Tom Hayden :
Progressive Dems see opening for new politics

Elizabeth Warren and the populists say ‘No way!’ to ‘Third Way.’

Conditions ripe for a new politics:
An opening for progressive Democrats

The Democratic progressive base is making clear that Hillary Clinton must make an adjustment from her hawkish centrism towards the new populism.

By Tom Hayden | The Rag Blog | December 23, 2013

The sight of progressive Democrats shaming and exposing the Wall Street-funded “Third Way” Democrats is a sign of a powerful new opening for progressives on the American political spectrum.

The standing of Elizabeth Warren, Bernie Sanders, Sherrod Brown, Bill de Blasio, and many others is on the rise. The Clinton Democrats are being challenged from the populist left; the AFL-CIO is supporting a new generation of organizers; the immigrant rights movement is reviving the tradition of the student civil rights movement; the LGBT movement is learning to win.

And as long as the economy is failing for the poor, working people, and the middle class, the conditions for a new politics are ripening rapidly.

These moments come and go like the tides, which makes leadership, vision, and strategy critically important. Where do social movements fit in? Or groups like PDA (Progressive Democrats of America)? Where is the new center of gravity?

Our eyes should be on 2016, achieving as much as possible from the Obama era, and defending against a right-wing rollback in that year’s presidential election. The centrist Democratic strategy thus far has been to paint the Republicans as dangerous extremists, which is working nicely with Republican cooperation.

Because of the disastrous stumbling on Obamacare, however, Democratic prospects in the 2014 low-turnout congressional elections have stalled for now. The best that can be hoped for at this point is Democratic control of the Senate and a narrowing of the gap in the Republican House. Meanwhile, given the deep partisan divisions, at least 45 percent of American voters live under entrenched right-wing rule.

Despite the stalemate, there are multiple fronts where weird coalitions might prevail:

  • Immigration reform if the Republican establishment prevails over the Tea Party;
  • Blocking of the secret pro-corporate trade agreements which will dismantle labor and environmental protections, assuming labor-liberal Democrats coalesce with the Republican libertarians; and
  • Reform of the Big Brother/Big Data surveillance apparatus by the same liberal-libertarian coalition;
  • Prevention of unwinnable, unaffordable military adventures. Diplomatic recognition of Cuba will be a heavy lift, but the president has shown he can overcome the Republican-led Cuban Right in the House and the unpopular Sen. Menendez in the Senate.

None of these achievements will be easy, but all are doable.

Keeping the White House in 2016 is vital in order to shift the balance on the U.S. Supreme Court and to retain regulatory power over social, economic, voting rights, and environmental policies. It is also imperative to keep the Senate majority Democratic for its appointment powers and to prevent the conservative cancer from spreading from the House. It is important for the progressive Democrats in the House to fight aggressively as if they are behind enemy lines as opposed to a rational debating society.

Any efforts to cobble together weird coalitions at the congressional level may fail or be resisted by the White House. Change is more likely to be delivered from social movements in progressive states and cities, however, not from the trench warfare in D.C. Call it a trickle-up populism. California, for example, already leads the way on conservation and renewables as well as immigration reform. Vermont is implementing its right to single-payer health care. Colorado and Washington are legalizing and regulating marijuana.

New York Mayor-elect Bill de Blasio with family, shown at July demonstration in support of New York health care workers. Image from Wikimedia Commons.

A major challenge for progressives is whether it is possible to forge consensus on vision and program (or as consultants call it, narrative). Obama is re-emphasizing economic inequality, framed as a choice between being on your own or all in this together. That’s a start for Democrats, and a welcome echo of Occupy Wall Street. The same theme accounts for the exceptional rise of Warren and de Blasio.

But it is a fuzzy and incomplete vision, a blended blur of the New Deal (“expand Social Security”) and the New Economy (“Facebook and Google will set us free”). The faulty vision reflects fault lines in the underlying coalition. Balancing the contradictions is the key to building a winning majority coalition electorally; too far in either direction can result in splits which favor the Republican strategy of divide-to-rule.

The first contradiction for Democrats, and even some progressives, is whether to be “all in” in the fight against climate change, or to take a “balanced” approach for electoral reasons by flirting with “clean coal”. The return of John Podesta to the White House is encouraging news for environmentalists in this regard.

The equally problematic contradiction for Democrats, and even some human rights groups, is whether to embrace more military intervention, secret ops, and drone tactics, in order to satisfy the “liberal interventionists,” including Samantha Power, Human Rights Watch, the Feminist Majority, and AIPAC, or whether to deepen policy of avoiding unwinnable and unaffordable wars at the risk of being labeled “isolationist.”

The reality is that there are not enough discretionary funds for health care and warfare.

A third contradiction is between labor, progressives and human rights groups on one side and the corporate-leaning Democrats on issues of international investment and trade, a rift which has continued since the Seattle uprisings of 1999, where Bill Clinton both sponsored the WTO Summit and distanced himself from the shambles that followed.

While every effort should be made to reconcile such contradictions, the predictable truth is that they will be fought out in the 2016 Democratic primaries.

There are problematic contradictions on these issues in the Democratic coalition. Liberals on domestic policy frequently avoid taking stands on national security or even endorse hawkish policies.

The Democratic progressive base is making clear that Hillary Clinton must make an adjustment from her hawkish centrism towards the new populism, or lose significant support either in the 2016 primaries or the general election.

One battle Democrats, labor, and progressives can agree on is the expansion and protection of the emerging political majority from the Republican effort to diminish their voting rights, turnout potential, and representation in the Electoral College. The seemingly-insane Republican overreaction to the recent modest change in Senate filibuster rules is an indication of how greatly Republican political power rests on guarding their minority status.

The fight over media reform is another struggle between the public versus the corporate interests where progressives must gain and hold their ground. A similar unity should prevail on chipping away against Citizens United, but the party is unable to end its overall addiction to a fund-raising frenzy which empowers many of the most unsavory elements in the political culture. They cannot agree even on eliminating the business tax deduction by which special interests use taxpayers’ money to pass legislation ripping off the same taxpayers.

Every local, state and federal reform of the campaign finance system is a vital gain for democracy, and a base for progressives winning electoral seats.

[Tom Hayden is a former California state senator and leader of Sixties peace, justice, and environmental movements. He currently teaches at Pitzer College in Los Angeles. His latest book is The Long Sixties. Hayden is director of the Peace and Justice Resource center and editor of The Peace Exchange Bulletin. Read more of Tom Hayden’s writing on The Rag Blog.]

The Rag Blog

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6 Responses to Tom Hayden :
Progressive Dems see opening for new politics

  1. Anonymous says:

    Hillary must “make an adjustment from her hawkish centrism towards the new populism” or what happens? Hayden answers “or lose significant support either in the 2016 primaries or the general election”. In the primaries, it obvious that “progressives” (a term for closeted socialists) would support Elizabeth Warren. But what about the general election, where the choice is a lying corporatist hawk, Hillary, and a Republican, with Sanders or almost anyone of stature running as a Green or left independent? Who does the “progressive” support in that very likely scenario? Will Brother Hayden then line up dutifully with the Democrats regardless or would that be too great a compromise of principle?
    David Hamilton

  2. Daniel Millstone says:

    The key point on which I differ from Tom in this essay is his emphasis on 2016 and his dismissal, for no reason that I understand of 2014 cycle we are entering now. What is there about 2014 which makes progressive progress unlikely? In 2006 we made great strides. We can do similarly in 2014. Further, unless we do make significant progress in 2014, we’ll have very little ability to push Hillary or others leftward.

  3. Dubose says:

    I agree with Millstone, if we do not show well in 2014 there will be little left for 2016. I would hate another 2000 where the Greens subverted the Democrats… and I know there are those who don’t think the Greens sunk Gore, but I disagree. If Gore had won, we would be living in a very different world today. Peace, Terry

  4. joe says:

    A Democratic leftist schism is a necessary counterweight to the TP and would mitigate the third party challenge; bearing in mind that the leftist Democratic block will not be as dominating as is the TP since the Republican Party is more rightist that the Democratic Party is leftist. A Democratic leftist intra-party is a crucial first step toward liberalization.

  5. Anonymous says:

    Those who believe that so-called progressives will take over the Democratic Party from its corporate owners are engaged in magical thinking. The Party’s current owners will never give up control regardless of the base. The major political process represented by the Clinton’s is to make the Democratic Party safe for plutocrats. This ideological schism between progressives and corporate Democrats is an objective contradiction that cannot be resolved. A split within the Democratic Party is inevitable and 2016 is growing more and more like a great opportunity for that to happen. It is almost certain that HRC will be the nominee after defeating a progressive in bruising primaries. Leftists by the millions are going to be avidly looking for an alternative.
    David Hamilton

  6. phogg4 says:

    tom hayden is a nothing but a “liberal “in the worst way you can mean that word …phil ochs style love me i’m a liberal ….
    JESSE VENTURA 2016 !!!!!

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