What We Need Is A Digital Bill Of Rights


‘It is time to really think about a comprehensive national technology policy for the Internet Age’
By Erick Schonfeld / August 25, 2008

As the Democrats and Republicans gather at their national conventions, it is time to really think about a comprehensive national technology policy for the Internet Age. Many laws and policies governing the Internet and digital property are inadequate attempts to transplant rules from a different era.

The problems that arise are not just about Net Neutrality (see Comcast) or copyright infringement or digital privacy. They are about all of these things. What we need is a Digital Bill of Rights that spells out what freedoms and rights consumers can expect from Internet service providers, content companies, device manufacturers, and the government itself.

Both Presidential candidates have already outlined their technology platforms. (Obama did so last year; McCain only got around to unveiling a formal tech policy earlier this month. Both Obama and McCain also spoke to TechCrunch about their thoughts on tech policy during the primaries). But McCain’s technology platform is a bit vague, and Obama’s choice of tech-challenged Joe Biden as his running mate is not exactly a confidence builder. The fact is that nobody in either party has pulled together a focused set of principles that can truly guide both lawmakers and policymakers.

It’s a tall order, but it is important to have a consistent policy governing everything from Internet Protocol regulations to intellectual property on the Web. With suggestions from serial tech entrepreneur Austin Hill, I’ve come up with a first stab at such a bill of rights. Help me to further refine them in comments below, or add your own suggestions.

The Digital Bill of Rights

The Right to Use and Reuse Content: Consumers know that digital copies of songs, words, and videos are qualitatively different than physical copies, yet copyright law treats them the same way. When the economics of scarcity no longer apply, consumers start to behave differently. They copy and reuse content in unforeseen ways. The pendulum has swung so far that normal consumer behavior has now been criminalized. The concept of fair use needs to be updated and clarified, while still balancing the fundamental right of copyright holders to profit from their creations.

The Right To Control Digital Property On Your Own Device: Possession may be nine tenths of the law, but digital devices don’t follow that rule. When it comes to digital property, who owns what is ill-defined. This can become especially complicated when content is tied to a specific device. If I download a digital book to my Kindle or an app to my iPhone, Amazon or Apple (to pick on them again) have the ability to pull any content from my device without notice or permission. Even if I’ve paid for the content in question. Copyright law and DRM technologies are so intertwined and confused that both consumers and companies could benefit from clearer rules of the road.

The Right To The Free Flow Of Information: Internet service providers, especially those who benefit from public rights of way, should not be allowed to discriminate against information by data type. Debates about Net Neutrality can get bogged down in discussions about content filtering, packet prioritization, and backbone peering rules. But the issue here is basic access to the Internet and all the data that it contains. Data is information and artificial limits on what kinds of data can flow through the Internet’s pipes can amount to a form of censorship.

The Right To (Some) Privacy: For the most part, the expectation of privacy is dead on the Web. But the privacy of certain types of information (health, financial) will always need to be protected. Federal guidelines for how to protect consumer data is preferable to a hodgepodge of industry and state regulations that are currently failing us. (Who wants to book a room at the Best Western?) Privacy laws are also inconsistent in the physical and digital worlds. The Bork law, for instance, makes it illegal for physical video stores to share my rental records, but iTunes or Amazon could sell my digital video or music purchases without running afoul of the law.

The Right to Control Your Digital Identity: And what happens when the “content” in question is your own digital identity. Who owns that? The answer should be that you do. Congress is certainly interested in this issue, and wants to make sure that online advertising networks don’t abuse their possession of your identity data to bombard you with ads. In fact, Google and Yahoo, have been making preemptive moves in an attempt to stave off regulation. But politicians may want to take a closer look at the EU’s privacy directive, which has been in effect for more than decade. Citizens should be able certify that the digital identity associated with their name in a given database is in fact theirs and to revoke access to that identity information on a case-by-case basis.

Source / TechCrunch

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The Fight Against Gentrification in Harlem

Photo by Thomas Good / NLN.

The battle for the soul of El Barrio
By Thomas Good / August 26, 2008

NEW YORK — In November of 2006, City Council member Melissa Mark Viverito spoke out against police commissioner Ray Kelly’s parade permitting rules. Mark Viverito felt the rules would violate the civil rights of activists. Ironically, on Sunday she faced a large contingent of protesters – permits in hand – at her own front door. Calling Viverito a “serpent” and a “sellout”, members of Movement for Justice in El Barrio visited her luxury townhouse to express their outrage with her support of the 125th Street rezoning plan. To many of the protesters Mark Viverito seemed to personify the gentrification going on in Harlem.

According to her website, “Melissa Mark Viverito made history in November 2005 by becoming the first Puerto Rican woman elected to serve District 8 on the City Council” in 2005. District 8 includes Manhattan Valley, East Harlem, and part of Mott Haven in the Bronx.

Council Member Mark Viverito was born and raised in Puerto Rico. She worked for 1199 SEIU in New York City before being elected to the City Council. Her campaign promised greater transparency in city government. But by 2008, Mark Viverito and her constituency were estranged. On April 30th, Viverito and 41 other City Council members approved a controversial rezoning plan that will bring condominiums and 21 story skyscrapers to Harlem’s historic 125th Street. Only two members of the council, Charles Barron and Tony Avella, voted against the plan. Speaker Christine Quinn called in police to remove protesters from the council chambers when tempers flared in response to the vote. The vote was seen as a victory for real estate developers and was supported by Mayor Bloomberg.

Standing against the gentrification of East Harlem is a grassroots organization called Movimiento por Justicia del Barrio (Movement for Justice in El Barrio). MJB is a self described organization of “immigrants and low-income people of color” who have made their views known and presence felt.

In an effort to avoid being displaced from their neighborhood, members of MJB have filed a groundbreaking lawsuit against property investment giant Dawnay Day Group. The London based firm has a stated goal of increasing the rent sharply in its 47 Harlem properties. MJB alleges that Dawnay Day Group has conducted a campaign of neglect and tenant harrassment in an attempt to force the current residents out so that it may raise the rent. In its suit MJB argues that Dawnay Day has charged current residents “thousands of dollars in false fees” as part of its efforts to drive out low income residents.

In the battle for the soul of East Harlem, Movement for Justice in El Barrio has kept up the pressure on Dawnay Day Group and those politicians, including Mark Viverito, who vote against the interests of their poorer constituents. Complementing its lawsuit and a well run media campaign, MJB has taken to the streets to get their message out.

On Sunday a large contingent of MJB and its supporters rallied at 116th Street and Lexington Avenue – not far from Mark Viverito’s office. The rally was the first stop in what MJB called a “March for Dignity and against Displacement.”

The second stop was the home of City Council member Melissa Mark Viverito.

Carrying signs that said, “Harlem no se vende” (Harlem is not for sale), “We will not be moved” and “El Barrio will not be sold”, the protesters marched down Third Avenue to Viverito’s home. Mothers, fathers and young children held vigil outside the townhouse as activists spoke out against Viverito’s support of gentrification. Protesters spoke through a makeshift bullhorn – a rolled up sign – pointing out that, in addition to voting for the rezoning of 125th Street, Mark Vierito also voted for the Columbia University expansion into West Harlem. The announcement was met with jeers and boos.

The final stop of the protest was the Vertical City realty office on Third Avenue and 99th Street. Here protesters spoke out against the ongoing gentrification of their neighborhood – Vertical City rents Dawnay Day Group’s East Harlem properties. Several speakers vowed to defeat those who would gentrify Harlem as other demonstraters held signs that said, “estamos en la lucha” – we are in a struggle.

See more photos and video at Next Left Notes.

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Rachel Papo : Face of the Day

See Rachel Papo’s statement about this series below.

One photograph from Rachel Papo’s photo series on female Israeli soldiers.

At an age when social, sexual, and educational explorations are at their highest point, the life of an eighteen-year-old Israeli girl is interrupted. She is plucked from her home surroundings and placed in a rigorous institution where her individuality is temporarily forced aside in the name of nationalism. During the next two years, immersed in a regimented and masculine environment, she will be transformed from a girl to a woman, within the framework of an army that is engaged in daily war and conflict.

Almost fifteen years after my mandatory military duty ended, I went back to several Israeli army bases, using the medium of photography as a vehicle to re-enter this world. Serial No. 3817131 represents my effort to come to terms with the experiences of being a soldier from the perspective of an adult. My service had been a period of utter loneliness, mixed with apathy and pensiveness, and at the time I was too young to understand it all. Through the camera’s lens, I tried to reconstruct facets of my military life, hopeful to reconcile matters that had been left unresolved.

Walking onto an army base after all these years was very disorienting, as memories began to surface, and blend with feelings of estrangement. The girls who I encountered during these visits were disconnected from the outside world, completely absorbed in their paradoxical reality. They spoke a language now foreign to me, using phrases like “Armored Cavalry Regiment” and “Defense Artillery.” Would it have made any difference to explain to them that in a few years the only thing they might remember is their serial number? Photographing these soldiers, I saw my reflection; I was on the other side of a pane of glass—observing a world that I had once been a part of, yet I could not go back in time or change anything. It felt like a dream.

The photographs in this project serve as a bridge between past and present—a combination of my own recollections and the experiences of the girls who I observed. Each image embodies traces of things that I recognize, illuminating fragments of my history, striking emotional cords that resonate within me. In some way, each is a self-portrait, depicting a young woman caught in transient moments of introspection and uncertainty, trying to make sense of a challenging daily routine. In striving to maintain her gentleness and femininity, the soldier seems to be questioning her own identity, embracing the fact that two years of her youth will be spent in a wistful compromise.

Rachel Papo

More images here.

Source / Andrew Sullivan / Daily Dish / The Atlantic

Thanks to Harry Edwards / The Rag Blog

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Chasing The Clean Coal Dragon : A DNC Lobby Adventure


‘Clean coal’ is in an experimental stage and at best hypothetical
August 26, 2008

DENVER — Greetings from from the Mile High City! It’s a beautiful day here in Denver. The DNC is in full swing, and excitement is in the air…

… and the dirty energy lobbyists are walking the streets. Literally.

For those of you who haven’t heard of them, the American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity (ACCCE) is a coal industry front group. They’re the ones with the pretty ads on CNN. They even brought you the Democratic debate at the end of January.

They virtually greet Denver visitors with a series of ads at the airport, and they’re rolling around town with their mobile billboard.

We’ve even heard that they’re handing out pieces of “coal”… painted green.

If you’re easily convinced by such silly swag, I have a bridge to sell you.

You see, here’s the background story. When coal industry lobbyists say “clean coal”, they’re mainly talking about carbon capture and storage (CCS), which, in reality, is only in the experimental stages, and a hypothetical success at best:

A study by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology called The Future of Coal, published last year, suggests that the first commercial CCS plants won’t be on stream until 2030 at the earliest. Thomas Kuhn of the Edison Electric Institute, which represents most US power generators, half of whose fuel is coal, takes a similar line. In September [2007], he told a House Select Committee that commercial deployment of CCS for emissions from large coal-burning power stations will require 25 years of R&D and cost about $20 billion.

[…]

The most detailed published assessment [pdf], by Peter Viebahn of the German Aerospace Center in Stuttgart, estimates that at best CCS will reduce greenhouse gas emissions from coal-fired power stations by little more than two-thirds. That compares with life-cycle emissions for most renewable energy technologies that are 1 to 4 per cent of those from burning coal.

We are unlikely to give up burning coal any time soon, and CCS could eventually have an important part to play by allowing coal to be used without doing unacceptable damage to the global climate. But that isn’t going to happen tomorrow. And as to the dream of coal becoming a zero-emissions source of power – forget it.

So, it’s fitting that the ACCCE is handing out bits of fictitious fuel. Although we still haven’t scored any, Devilstower and I had a chance to chat with several of the ACCCE representatives.

What we learned in our hour-long interview can, unfortunately, be easily condensed into a few paragraphs. I’ll let Devilstower take over from here.

Thanks, Page. Our interview rambled over several topics, and there’s no doubt that the coal lobbyists are personable guys who know how to make their argument — after all, that’s their job. But when it comes to a few areas, their answers are a lot less than satisfying. (note: while I’ve tagged my bits and those from Page, I’ve lumped all the clean coal lobbyists together as “CC,” not out of disrespect, but because I can’t distinguish their voices on my high quality $9 recorder).

DT: Let’s go back to that sign in the airport, which says that “the next president” can count on clean coal to protect the environment and keep the economy strong. But is the next president going to be able to count on clean coal in the next four or even eight years?

CC: We’re going to be closer, yes.

DT: But being closer doesn’t really help the next president protect the environment or the economy.

CC: We never said that. This is not an answer for the very next president.

DT: That’s what the sign says.

CC: It’s certainly an issue for whoever is the next president to start working on it.

Page: But you’re saying our next president won’t have to choose between a clean environment and the economy. That’s a huge statement. And very clever.

CC: The issue is simply this. In this country, you could stop using coal tomorrow, but it won’t make a dent in global CO2 and it’ll greatly raise energy prices. You’ll have to build nuclear plants, which will take years, or use natural gas, which would be very costly.

If you stopped using coal tomorrow, this country would shut down.

DT: I don’t think anyone’s proposing that we turn all the plants off overnight, but that existing 51% of our electrical grid that you’re talking about is not “clean coal.” It’s coal, but it’s not clean.

CC: It has to start somewhere.

And that’s where the argument becomes circular. Clean Coal would be a great boon to the country if it existed, but it doesn’t. Clean coal is a hypothetical fuel, something that might be possible, in a decade or two, with the investment of several billion dollars.

So, while the clean coal lobby presses the idea of their fuel as an inexpensive solution to both maintaining a strong economy and protecting the environment, what they’re really pushing is a choice. We can choose to invest our funds in sources of clean electricity that exist right now, today, or we can invest in carbon capture in the hopes that someday, decades from now, it might work. The proposal really ends up having all the downside of investing in fusion (the power source of the future, and always will be) and little of fusion’s upside (low overall environmental impact).

The question we’re left with is how we handle the power sources we have today, the ones that are powered by not-clean-coal. And the clean coal they talk about is one alternative that’s not on the table.

When we got around to talking about the fate of existing plants, we got closer to the real agenda of the clean coal lobby.

CC: Kansas is a prime example. The big story missed in that whole fiasco was that when that plant was cancelled, six wind projects went with it, because the wind developers were going to use the transmission infrastructure from that coal plant.

And that kept the old plants in service, because they can’t take them off line to build a new plant with modern technology. When that got stopped, it insured one thing—that the old plants continued to chug along. They had to to keep the lights on.

Page: So you’re saying that it’s the environmentalists’ fault, basically?

CC: Are we saying it’s anybody’s fault? Absolutely not.

Page: But the Sierra Club’s opposition means that people are going to go without electricity or be stuck with old plants?

CC: There needs to be a give and take. When your policy says “no, not under any circumstances,” that obviously becomes very contentious.

Page: So Kathleen Sebelius was a real inhibitor to any progress? That’s the issue here?

CC: No, not at all, but that’s only one instance. We can pick incidents all over the United States right now where they put up legal challenges.

And now we’re back to another circular argument: we can’t eliminate old coal plants, because there’s opposition to building new coal plants. The assumption here is that only coal can replace coal, and while these new plants are certainly cleaner than those they replace in the sense of lowering many other emissions, they make no effort at carbon capture. None. The proposed new plants are not clean coal plants.

The real goal is to promote the building of new plants, clean or not. What they’re handing out is a perfect example of what they’re doing: plain old coal, with a coat of green paint.

Source / Plutoniam Page and Devilstower / Daily Kos

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Nothing Fair About the Trade Deals Made with Chequebooks and Lawyers


Rich countries once used gunboats to seize food. Now they use trade deals
By George Monbiot / August 26, 2008

The world’s hungriest are the losers as an old colonialism returns to govern relations between wealthy and poor nations

In his book Late Victorian Holocausts, Mike Davis tells the story of the famines that sucked the guts out of India in the 1870s. The hunger began when a drought, caused by El Niño, killed the crops on the Deccan plateau. As starvation bit, the viceroy, Lord Lytton, oversaw the export to England of a record 6.4m hundredweight of wheat. While Lytton lived in imperial splendour and commissioned, among other extravagances, “the most colossal and expensive meal in world history”, between 12 million and 29 million people died. Only Stalin manufactured a comparable hunger.

Now a new Lord Lytton is seeking to engineer another brutal food grab. As Tony Blair’s favoured courtier, Peter Mandelson often created the impression that he would do anything to please his master. Today he is the European trade commissioner. From his sumptuous offices in Brussels and Strasbourg, he hopes to impose a treaty that will permit Europe to snatch food from the mouths of some of the world’s poorest people.

Seventy per cent of the protein eaten by the people of Senegal comes from fish. Traditionally cheaper than other animal products, it sustains a population that ranks close to the bottom of the human development index. One in six of the working population is employed in the fishing industry; about two-thirds of these workers are women. Over the past three decades, their means of subsistence has started to collapse as other nations have plundered Senegal’s stocks.

The EU has two big fish problems. One is that, partly as a result of its failure to manage them properly, its own fisheries can no longer meet European demand. The other is that its governments won’t confront their fishing lobbies and decommission all the surplus boats. The EU has tried to solve both problems by sending its fishermen to west Africa. Since 1979 it has struck agreements with the government of Senegal, granting our fleets access to its waters. As a result, Senegal’s marine ecosystem has started to go the same way as ours. Between 1994 and 2005, the weight of fish taken from the country’s waters fell from 95,000 tonnes to 45,000 tonnes. Muscled out by European trawlers, the indigenous fishery is crumpling: the number of boats run by local people has fallen by 48% since 1997.

In a recent report on this pillage, ActionAid shows that fishing families that once ate three times a day are now eating only once or twice. As the price of fish rises, their customers also go hungry. The same thing has happened in all the west African countries with which the EU has maintained fisheries agreements. In return for wretched amounts of foreign exchange, their primary source of protein has been looted.

The government of Senegal knows this, and in 2006 it refused to renew its fishing agreement with the EU. But European fishermen – mostly from Spain and France – have found ways round the ban. They have been registering their boats as Senegalese, buying up quotas from local fishermen and transferring catches at sea from local boats. These practices mean that they can continue to take the country’s fish, and have no obligation to land them in Senegal. Their profits are kept on ice until the catch arrives in Europe.

Mandelson’s office is trying to negotiate economic partnership agreements with African countries. They were supposed to have been concluded by the end of last year, but many countries, including Senegal, have refused to sign. The agreements insist that European companies have the right both to establish themselves freely on African soil, and to receive national treatment. This means that the host country is not allowed to discriminate between its own businesses and European companies. Senegal would be forbidden to ensure that its fish are used to sustain its own industry and to feed its own people. The dodges used by European trawlers would be legalised.

The UN’s Economic Commission for Africa has described the EU’s negotiations as “not sufficiently inclusive”. They suffer from a “lack of transparency” and from the African countries’ lack of capacity to handle the legal complexities. ActionAid shows that Mandelson’s office has ignored these problems, raised the pressure on reluctant countries and “moved ahead in the negotiations at a pace much faster than the [African nations] could handle”. If these agreements are forced on west Africa, Lord Mandelson will be responsible for another imperial famine.

This is one instance of the food colonialism that is again coming to govern the relations between rich and poor counties. As global food supplies tighten, rich consumers are pushed into competition with the hungry. Last week the environmental group WWF published a report on the UK’s indirect consumption of water, purchased in the form of food. We buy much of our rice and cotton, for example, from the Indus valley, which contains most of Pakistan’s best farmland. To meet the demand for exports, the valley’s aquifers are being pumped out faster than they can be recharged. At the same time, rain and snow in the Himalayan headwaters have decreased, probably as a result of climate change. In some places, salt and other crop poisons are being drawn through the diminishing water table, knocking out farmland for good. The crops we buy are, for the most part, freely traded, but the unaccounted costs all accrue to Pakistan.

Now we learn that Middle Eastern countries, led by Saudi Arabia, are securing their future food supplies by trying to buy land in poorer nations. The Financial Times reports that Saudi Arabia wants to set up a series of farms abroad, each of which could exceed 100,000 hectares. Their produce would not be traded: it would be shipped directly to the owners. The FT, which usually agitates for the sale of everything, frets over “the nightmare scenario of crops being transported out of fortified farms as hungry locals look on”. Through “secretive bilateral agreements”, the paper reports, “the investors hope to be able to bypass any potential trade restriction that the host country might impose during a crisis”.

Both Ethiopia and Sudan have offered the oil states hundreds of thousands of hectares. This is easy for the corrupt governments of these countries: in Ethiopia the state claims to own most of the land; in Sudan an envelope passed across the right desk magically transforms other people’s property into foreign exchange. But 5.6 million Sudanese and 10 million Ethiopians are currently in need of food aid. The deals their governments propose can only exacerbate such famines.

None of this is to suggest that the poor nations should not sell food to the rich. To escape from famine, countries must enhance their purchasing power. This often means selling farm products, and increasing their value by processing them locally. But there is nothing fair about the deals I have described. Where once they used gunboats and sepoys, the rich nations now use chequebooks and lawyers to seize food from the hungry. The scramble for resources has begun, but – in the short term, at any rate – we will hardly notice. The rich world’s governments will protect themselves from the political cost of shortages, even if it means that other people must starve.

Source / The Guardian, UK

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Medea Benjamin: "Both Parties Have Kept Us Down This Militaristic Path and Neglected Our Basic Needs"

In this Oct. 24, 2007 file photo, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, right, is confronted by Code Pink member Desiree Anita Ali-Fairooz, her hands painted red, as she arrives to testify on Capitol Hill in Washington. (AP Photo/Charles Dharapak)

CodePink Faces Tough Odds For Public’s Attention
by Christine Simmons / August 26, 2008

WASHINGTON – Kelly Jacobs will be wearing dresses made from a “peace flag” every day at the Democratic National Convention. As a delegate and a CodePink activist, she’ll don bright pink earrings, shoes and backpacks – and hundreds of peace and pink-colored buttons.

“There’s no getting away from the peace message. It’s on my neck down to my waist,” said Jacobs, 49.

The Mississippi activist, who is a delegate for Hillary Rodham Clinton, is one of about 20 CodePink women attending the Democratic convention. They probably won’t be disruptive inside. But CodePink members outside the Denver convention are planning to stage parades, protests, concerts and other theatrics – anything to keep the anti-war message alive.

These are hard times for peace activists. Despite CodePink’s flashy costumes and willingness to disrupt campaign events and congressional hearings – sometimes facing arrest for it – the women are finding it more difficult to maintain public attention on the Iraq war.

Americans are now focused more on the gasoline prices they’re paying, declining values of their homes and other economic issues. The ups and downs in a highly contested presidential election also have edged Iraq off the front page and evening newscasts most days.

“We do feel to some extent that these elections have sabotaged our peace actions and messaging because … the media is completely focused on the two candidates,” said CodePink activist Liz Hourican, who moved here from Arizona a year and a half ago to devote her time to ending the war. “It’s a lot more challenging.”

And while Iraqi and American officials are discussing a pullout of U.S. combat troops from major Iraqi cities by next June and a broader withdrawal by 2011, CodePink members say they won’t be satisfied until all U.S. forces are back from Iraq. “We’d like a timeline that is shorter,” said co-founder Medea Benjamin.

Congress’ decision this summer to fund U.S. operations in Iraq and Afghanistan into next year with $162 billion was a setback, but CodePink already was on the campaign trail, “bird-dogging” presidential candidates and unfurling anti-war banners at their events.

Republican John McCain is a favorite target. “Just about every place McCain goes, we have somebody confronting him,” Benjamin said. “We want the undecided voters … to see we associate McCain with more war and with the failed Bush policy, and, of course, we want the media to cover it.”

The activists’ campaign on Capitol Hill didn’t stop. Before Congress left for recess, the women in their pink outfits scoured the halls almost daily. They seated themselves behind witnesses at hearings unrelated to the war, flashing pink anti-war posters at TV cameras recording, for example, Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke talking about the collapse of investment bank Bear Stearns.

“There’s a lot of very creative people in the group,” Hourican said. “They make so many different crafty, visually brilliant things, and they love using their talents to push this along and see their costume on the news.”

Obama’s people haven’t exactly welcomed them. A group of women went to his Washington office last month seeking to meet with a foreign policy aide but only got a promise in the hallway they would be contacted and given more information on the Democratic candidate’s policies. His office never called back.

When Congress returns in September, so will the women in their pink garb. Without a war funding bill to protest, they’ll lobby against going to war in Iran and protest alleged abuses by military contractors. “As long as Congress is sitting and not doing the people’s bidding, then we’re going to be here,” said Gael Murphy, another CodePink co-founder.

CodePink – a mocking reference to the government’s color-coded terror alert system – started as a vigil in front of the White House in November 2002 to protest a war with Iraq. The vigil culminated in a women’s peace march to the Capitol four months later when the war began.

Soon afterward, other chapters “spontaneously started all over the country,” Murphy said. The group now has 250 chapters and 200,000 people on its mailing list.

At any given time, at least six CodePink members live in a three-story group house near Capitol Hill that is decorated with pink curtains and “peace” banners. Times and locations of major congressional hearings and demonstrations for the day are written on a self-erase board. Just as prominent is the phone number for U.S. Capitol Police, a source for learning which activists have been arrested, the charges against them and the bail needed.

In Denver this week and at the Republican nominating convention next week in St. Paul, Minn., CodePink has orchestrated an array of anti-war protests. “Pink Police” riding in-line skates who will hold signs reading “stop war, yield for peace” and bicycle brigades will rally against what the activists call America’s addiction to oil and war.

“You can’t be green and be pro-war,” said co-founder Benjamin. “In general, both parties have kept us down this militaristic path and neglected our basic needs.”

Source / Common Dreams

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Quote of the Day

Eeewwwwhh, these guys look comfortable, eh??

From a letter to the Editor in August 26, 2008 Boston Globe,

If Barack Obama’s selection of Joe Biden as his running mate is ‘ceding the point that he doesn’t have the foreign policy experience to be president,’ according to John McCain spokesman Tucker Bounds, then I guess it would follow that if McCain picks a running mate who is younger than he, he would be acknowledging that he is too old to be president.

Source / Boston Globe

Thanks to Kate Braun and Mariann Wizard / The Rag Blog

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Those Who Manipulate The Machines Will Manipulate the Elections

‘In NM the ballot boxes are apparently moved about on a burro.’

By Gerry Storm / The Rag Blog / August 25, 2008

See “Warning on Voting Machines Reveals Oversight Failure” by Greg Gordon, below.

How can they not have straightened this out by now? If they can still manipulate the machines they can still manipulate the elections. While the Demos in Denver cheer and wave and pump themselves up at the convention, the voting machine control is still held by Connell and fellows. Through the fog and all the headlines and new reform legislation not all that much has changed on the ground, or so it would appear.

In NM the ballot boxes are apparently moved about on a burro. It regularly takes weeks to count the ballots–and come up a count that is favorable to powers who control the state. There is little doubt that a real audit would reveal layers of time honored patronage that is much like the mafia. A friend of mine who was a city councilman in the only city around here told me that he estimated the count could be influenced as much as 20-25% in a statewide election. The power behind the throne is the traditional state bureaus and association of county clerks, virtually all of them Hispanic, who are on the ground. The boys and girls at the bureau, some with an attitude, run the state business and count the ballots. The Hispanic/Rancher coalition is the ruling faction, the patrons (ranchers) lead the peons (and their votes) to power of a fundamental type. Being challenged by the Anglos who are fairly recent arrivals. In places like Santa Fe’s local politics it was defeated and its influence trounced, in the rural areas of the state it is normally well-entrenched. It is the way of the West. Works pretty well too.

A few years ago I had an application in the IN basket of some state bureau. I waited for months and could get no response, it was a dead letter. Then I tracked down the supervisor of the department and wrote a personal letter. I signed it Gerald Cortez Storm. Took it maybe 10 days to get a reply and an approval. Not saying anyone does it on purpose, but when you see a “so” in a name, you can automatically assume it is Hispanic.

For the record, I like living in a Hispanic/Anglo American Southwest culture. There is much beauty herein, the rhythm is easy, and the dealing with nature is a guiding light to the wisdom.

Warning on Voting Machines Reveals Oversight Failure

By Greg Gordon / August 25, 2008

[Editor’s Note: Premier Elections Solutions is the new name for the notorious electronic voting system manufacturer Diebold. mr/TO]

WASHINGTON – Disclosure of an election computer glitch that could drop ballot totals for entire precincts is stirring new worries that an unofficial laboratory testing system failed for years to detect an array of flaws in $1.5 billion worth of voting equipment sold nationwide since 2003.

Texas-based Premier Elections Solutions last week alerted at least 1,750 jurisdictions across the country that special precautions are needed to address the problem in tabulation software affecting all 19 of its models dating back a decade.

Voting experts reacted skeptically to the company’s assertion that election workers’ routine crosschecks of ballot totals would have spotted any instances where its servers failed to register some precinct vote totals when receiving data from multiple memory cards.

Like nearly all of the nation’s modern voting equipment, Premier’s products were declared “qualified” under a voluntary testing process overseen from the mid 1990s until 2005 by the National Association of State Election Directors.

Computer scientists, some state officials and election watchdog groups allege that the NASED-sponsored testing system was a recipe for disaster, shrouded in secrecy, and allowing equipment makers to help design the tests.

The federal Election Assistance Administration, created in 2002, took over the testing responsibility in 2005, but has yet to certify a single voting machine.

As a result, charged Susan Greenhalgh, a spokeswoman for watchdog group Voter Action, the systems on which Americans will decide the race between Barack Obama and John McCain in November are “scandalously flawed”‘ and “the integrity of this election is in question.”

David Beirne, executive director of the Election Technology Council, which represents the leading makers of voting machines, said there’s no reason for concern. Without mentioning NASED, he said that members’ products “have all been certified” as meeting 2002 voluntary federal standards.

NASED officials took on the testing in the mid 1990s, after the Federal Election Commission adopted voluntary federal standards for voting machines but Congress failed to create a testing agency. The industry was frustrated, too, by being governed by a hodge-podge of state standards.

“We had two choices: To try to do something or to do nothing,” said Thomas Wilkey, who headed NASED’s volunteer Voting Systems Committee for several years while executive director of New York’s elections board. “We had a set of standards. It was a crime to let them sit on a shelf.”

NASED watched over the issuance of “qualified” reports from Independent Testing Laboratories, but with little control over the testing. The vendors secretly negotiated payments with the labs, helped design the tests, got to see the results first and only shared the codes driving their software with three NASED technical experts who signed non-disclosure agreements.

NASED officials posted only “qualified” ratings on the group’s Web site.

The lab endorsements aided vendors in selling nearly $1.5 billion in equipment to states and counties from 2003-2007, most of it financed by a gush of federal dollars under the 2002 Help America Vote Act.

Wilkey says the labs’ approval was never a “certification.” But EAC members have referred publicly to NASED’s “certification” of voting machines, and numerous states enacted laws barring purchases of equipment unless it passed the NASED-sponsored tests.

Questions about NASED’s testing grew in intensity over the last couple of years, after independent tests for the states of California, New York, Ohio, Florida and Connecticut found performance defects and security gaps in both systems that will serve most voters this fall: touch-screens and optical scanners.

The concerns prompted New York’s elections board to scrap a $60 million contract to buy new touch screens to replace its decades-old lever voting machines. Vice Chair Douglas Kellner said it’s now clear that a “qualified” rating from NASED is “meaningless … a piece of toilet paper.”

David Jefferson, a voting machine security expert who works at the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, said NASED’s tests were “of no value if your concern is security against insider threats,” such as tampering by election officials.

John Washburn, a software tester in the Milwaukee suburb of Germantown, predicts that nearly all of the machines bought in recent years will have to be replaced in a process he likened to the early 20th Century Teapot Dome scandal “as just the epitome of how government money goes down a rat hole,” he said.

Worries about the touch-screens’ lack of a verifiable paper trail have already prompted states to replace thousands of barely used machines costing hundreds of millions of dollars in favor of the scanners, which preserve each voter’s original paper ballot for use in a recount.

Congress passed the HAVA law and allotted billions of dollars for new equipment in the wake of the tumultuous 2000 presidential election battle that hinged on the validity of machine-counted punch-card ballots with “hanging chads” in Florida.

Ironically, the rush to buy voting machines to avoid a recurrence has triggered a new wave of public distrust because of questions about the testing and new reports of election regularities, including allegations of 18,000 missing votes in a 2006 congressional race in Florida.

Meantime, the EAC has made slow progress in setting up a federal testing and certification system – still voluntary, as directed by Congress. With help from the National Institute of Standards and Technology, the commission toughened standards in 2005 and again last year.

In an interview, Commission Chairwoman Rosemary Rodriguez said the agency feels the pressure, but “we’re not going to sacrifice any of our stringent requirements to satisfy election administrators or manufacturers.”

A couple of voting systems could be certified soon, she said, but not in time for the November election.

Rodriguez conceded that the commission fumbled its handling of a 2006 report raising questions about the qualifications of NASED’s most controversial software-testing laboratory, operated in Huntsville, Ala., by Colorado-based CIBER, Inc. The report criticizing CIBER’s inadequate testing resources and lack of documentation was issued in August, 2006, but was kept secret until that December, after the general election.

The secrecy was a mistake, she said, and the commission decided to “peel off the scab” and face public criticism. She vowed to keep the process more transparent in the future.

A spokesperson for CIBER, which is on the verge of winning EAC accreditation to resume testing voting equipment, did not respond to requests for comment.

Critics also have questioned the agency’s hiring of Wilkey as its executive director and of former FEC official Brian Hancock to oversee voting system certification, since both were involved in the much-criticized NASED process.

The agency, however, has taken a tough regulatory stance, angering manufacturers and county election officials by refusing to certify any NASED-approved machine or recent upgrades without fully testing the entire system.

“We’re trying,” Rodriguez said, “not to repeat any mistakes.”

Source / McClathy Newspapers / truthout

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For the West, Mistake Has Become Second Nature


We tilt at windmills as world war looms
By Simon Jenkins / August 24, 2008

Is the world drifting towards a new global war? From this week the dominant super-power, America, will for three months pass through the valley of the shadow of democracy, a presidential election. This is always a moment of self-absorption and paranoia. Barack Obama and John McCain will not act as statesmen but as politicians. They will grandstand and look over their shoulders. Their eye will stray from the ball.

Meanwhile, along history’s fault line of conflict from Russia’s European border to the Caucasus and on to Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan, diplomats are shifting uneasily in their seats, drums are sounding and harsh words are spoken. The world is now run by a generation of leaders who have never known global war. Has this dulled their senses?

Dan McNeill, an American general, was recently interviewed in Kabul on how to beat the Taliban. He was not the first to conclude that this could not be done militarily but only by “winning hearts and minds”. The problem, he said, lay in the answer to the question, “Whose hearts and minds?” Was it those of the Afghan people or was it rather those of the American Congress and voters?

Both Obama and McCain have claimed that the war in Iraq has been allowed to distract attention from the war in Afghanistan. This is different from the neoconservatives, who felt the war in Afghanistan was a distraction from the more important war in Iraq.
Related Links

* Moscow ups the ante in poker game with West

America now thinks it has won in Baghdad and must return to Kabul – and possibly even Tehran. At the same time it must face the possibility that these conflicts may in turn be a distraction from the reemergence as world powers of Russia and China, who are already gaining the initiative in Iran and Africa. Moscow is also precipitating a nationalist resurgence in eastern Europe and among Russian minorities in the Caucasus.

The question is critical. Has the West misjudged the fault line of an impending conflict? Its global strategy under George Bush, Tony Blair and a ham-fisted Nato has declared the threat to world peace as coming from nonstate organisations, specifically Al-Qaeda, and the nations that give them either bases or tacit support. Western generals and securocrats have elevated these anarchist fanatics to the status of nuclear powers. Policing crime has become “waging war”, so as to justify soaring budgets and influence over policy, much as did America’s military-industrial complex during the cold war.

Might it be that a raging seven-year obsession with Osama Bin Laden and his tiny Al-Qaeda organisation has blinded strategists to the old verities? Wars are rarely “clashes of civilisation”, but rather clashes of interest. They are usually the result of careless policy, of misread signals and of mission creep closing options for peace.

Terrorists, wherever located and trained, can certainly capture headlines and cause overnight mayhem, but they cannot project power. They cannot conquer countries or peoples, only manipulate democratic regimes into espousing illiberal policies, as in America and Britain. By grossly overstating the significance of terrorism, western leaders have distracted foreign policy from what should be its prime concern: securing world peace by holding a balance of interest – and pride – among the great powers.

To any who lived through the cold war, recent events along Russia’s western and southern borders are deeply ominous. Moscow initially spent the 17 years since the fall of the Soviet Union flirting with the West. It had been defeated and had good reason for disarming and putting out feelers to join Nato and the European Union. It took part in such proto-capitalist entities as the G8.

In the case of Nato and the EU it was arrogantly rebuffed, while its former Warsaw Pact allies were accepted. Moscow was told it would be foolish to worry about encirclement. A nation that had never enjoyed democracy should content itself with basking in its delights. Russians in the Baltic states and in Ukraine should make their peace with emerging governments. The political clutter of the cold war should be decontaminated.

Suddenly this has not worked. The world is showing alarming parallels with the 1930s. Lights are turning to red as the world again approaches depression. The credit crunch and the collapse of world trade talks are making nations introverted. Meanwhile, the defeated power of the last war, Russia, is flexing its muscles and finding them in good working order.

On Thursday Gordon Brown told his troops in Afghanistan that “what you are doing here prevents terrorism coming to the streets of Britain”. He cannot believe this any more than do his generals. Afghanistan poses no military threat to Britain. Rather it is Britain’s occupation and the response in neighbouring Pakistan that fosters antiwestern militancy in the region. Like the impoverishment of Germany between the wars, the stirring of antiwestern and antiChristian sentiment in the Muslim world can only be dangerous and counter-productive. Yet we do it.

The Taliban are fighting an old-fashioned insurgent war against a foreign invader and recruiting Pakistanis and antiwestern fanatics to help. They have succeeded in tormenting Washington and London with visions of a destabilised nuclear Pakistan, a blood-drenched Middle East and an Iran whose leaders may yet turn to jihad. For Brown – or the American presidential candidates – to imply that these conflicts with the Muslim world are making the world “safer” is manifestly untrue.

Worse, it distorts policy. Rather than calming other foes so the West can concentrate on the conflicts in hand, it is pointlessly stirring Russian expansionism to life.

There is no strategic justification for siting American missile systems in Poland and the Czech Republic. It is nothing but right-wing provocation. Nato’s welcome to Georgia and Ukraine, for no good reason but at risk of having to come to their aid, has served only to incite Georgia to realise that risk while also infuriating Moscow.

Russia is well able to respond recklessly to a snub without such encouragement, so why encourage it? The more powerful state – America – surely has an obligation to show the greater caution. Any strategic decision, such as the goading of Moscow, must plan for its response. Nato’s bureaucracy, lacking coherence and leadership, has been searching for a role since the end of the cold war. That role is apparently now to play with fire.

Western strategy is dealing with a resurgent, rich and potent Russia. It has played fast and loose with Moscow’s age-old sensitivity and forgotten the message of George Kennan, the American statesman: that Russia must be understood and contained rather than confronted. The naive remarks welcoming Georgia to Nato by David Miliband, the foreign secretary, show a West far detached from such analytical truths.

Any student of McCain or Obama, of Russia’s Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev, or of the leaders of Britain, France and Germany, might conclude that these are not people likely to go to war. They are surely the children of peace. Yet history shows that “going to war” is never an intention. It is rather the result of weak, shortsighted leaders entrapped by a series of mistakes. For the West’s leaders at present, mistake has become second nature.

Source / Times Online

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Further Confirmation That We Now Live in a Fascist Police State


Bush administration widens domestic spy agency powers
By Naomi Spencer / August 25, 2008

In recent weeks, Bush administration officials have introduced a number of provisions that substantially widen the powers of intelligence and law enforcement agencies to conduct spying and other operations within the US against American citizens.

Last week, several news outlets reported that the Justice Department had drafted new rules on intelligence gathering operations which it plans to ratify on October 1, the first day of the new fiscal year and one month before the November elections.

Although details of the draft have not been made publicly available, officials told the Associated Press (AP) that the changes give explicit permission to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to spy on Americans even if there is no basis for suspicion of criminal activity or allegations of wrongdoing. According to an August 20 report by the AP, officials speaking on condition of anonymity said “the new policy would let agents open preliminary terrorism investigations after mining public records and intelligence to build a profile of traits that, taken together, were deemed suspicious.”

Among factors the officials said could be used as the basis for spying, according to the AP, were “travel to regions of the world known for terrorist activity and access to weapons or military training, along with the person’s race or ethnicity.”

The FBI would be authorized to conduct activities such as “long-term surveillance, interviewing neighbors and work-mates, recruiting informants and searching commercial databases for information on people.”

Four members of the Senate Judiciary Committee who were briefed on the new rules—Democrats Russ Feingold of Wisconsin, Dick Durbin of Illinois, Edward Kennedy of Massachusetts and Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island—wrote in an August 18 letter to Attorney General Michael Mukasey that the new rules opened the way for “intrusive surveillance” against innocent Americans based on “race, ethnicity, national origin, religion, or on protected First Amendment activities.”

An August 22 editorial by the New York Times, citing comments of Senate staffers familiar with the new rules, reported that the FBI would be authorized to carry out “pretext interviews, in which agents do not honestly represent themselves while questioning a subject’s neighbors and work colleagues.”

There can be little doubt that among those targeted will be the sizable and growing segment of the population actively opposed to the government’s policies. “Pretext interviews” and the use of “recruited informants”—who infiltrate targeted organizations—are deeply anti-democratic and unconstitutional tactics that the FBI, in the anti-communist Cold War era, widely employed against socialists and civil rights groups.

In their letter, the senators merely urged Mukasey not to ratify the guidelines until they have been publicly announced—an indication that they have no any serious intention of blocking the action. Only last month, the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives and Senate passed, by an overwhelming margin, legislation legitimizing the Bush administration’s ongoing domestic wiretapping and surveillance operations and granting immunity to telecommunications companies participating in the illegal programs. (See: “Obama joins Senate vote to legitimize Bush’s domestic spying operation”).

In an August 20 reply to the Senate Judiciary Committee, the Attorney General’s office gave an assurance that Mukasey would not sign the guidelines in advance of a September 17 appearance before the committee by FBI Director Robert Mueller.

However, the letter made clear that the Justice Department considered the delay little more than a grace period. It stated, “Although we have not traditionally worked with Congress in developing Attorney General guidelines, and as you note in your letter, we are not obligated to do so, we appreciate the laudable and thoughtful suggestions we have already received…” In the meantime, the Attorney General’s office said the department would “continue to train FBI employees in preparation for the October 1, 2008 implementation date.”

In tandem with more aggressive FBI spying, the Justice Department last week introduced a proposal to further integrate state and local law enforcement agencies into the intelligence apparatus by allowing police forces to collect intelligence about American citizens. The proposal would allow police to share data with federal agencies and retain information for at least ten years.

As an August 16 Washington Post article reported, in the past few years numerous instances of police infiltration of peace and other protest groups have come to light. The article noted that “undercover New York police officers infiltrated protest groups before the 2004 Republican National Convention… California state agents eavesdropped on peace, animal rights and labor activists,” and “Denver police spied on Amnesty International and others before being discovered.”

Michael German, a former FBI agent turned whistleblower who is now a policy counsel for the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), told the Post, “If police officers no longer see themselves as engaged in protecting their communities from criminals and instead as domestic intelligence agents working on behalf of the CIA, they will be encouraged to collect more information… It turns police officers into spies on behalf of the federal government.”

On August 20, the Post reported that the federal government has been compiling information on land, sea, and air border-crossings by Americans via a previously undisclosed Border Crossing Information system run by the Department of Homeland Security. The data—including name, birth date, gender and photographic documentation—will be held for 15 years and can be used by intelligence agencies in investigations. The newspaper commented, “The same information is gathered about foreign travelers, but it is held for 75 years.”

This month, the Bush administration also announced the creation of a new unit within the Defense Department’s Defense Intelligence Agency, called the Defense Counterintelligence and Human Intelligence Center. Without giving details, Mike Pick, appointed to direct the program, told reporters at a Pentagon press conference that the office would carry out “strategic offensive counterintelligence operations” within the United States. Pentagon officials have insisted that the agency would target only “foreign intelligence officers” on US soil.

The announcement closely followed a July 30 executive order by President Bush ordering a restructuring of intelligence agencies to more tightly centralize spying and other so-called “counterintelligence operations” under the Office of the Director of National Intelligence. The purpose of the change is to consolidate and solidify the huge intelligence apparatus that has grown massively in the period since the September 11, 2001 attacks.

See Also:
Obama joins Senate vote to legitimize Bush’s domestic spying operation
[10 July 2008]
US: Democratic Congress approves war funding, legalizes domestic spying
[21 June 2008]

Source / World Socialist Web Site

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And There Is No Government Shame for This


Katrina Pain Index: New Orleans Three Years Later
By Bill Quigley / August 25, 2008

0. Number of renters in Louisiana who have received financial assistance from the $10 billion federal post-Katrina rebuilding program Road Home Community Development Block Grant — compared to 116,708 homeowners.

0. Number of apartments currently being built to replace the 963 public housing apartments formerly occupied and now demolished at the St. Bernard Housing Development.

0. Amount of data available to evaluate performance of publicly financed privately run charter schools in New Orleans in 2005-2006 and 2006-2007 school years.

.008. Percentage of the rental homes that were supposed to be repaired and occupied by August 2008 which were actually completed and occupied — a total of 82 finished out of 10,000 projected.

1. Rank of New Orleans among U.S. cities in percentage of housing vacant or ruined.

1. Rank of New Orleans among U.S. cities in murders per capita for 2006 and 2007.

4. Number of the 13 City of New Orleans Planning Districts that are at the same risk of flooding as they were before Katrina.

10. Number of apartments being rehabbed so far to replace the 896 apartments formerly occupied and now demolished at the Lafitte Housing Development.

11. Percent of families who have returned to live in Lower Ninth Ward.

17. Percentage increase in wages in the hotel and food industry since before Katrina.

20-25. Years that experts estimate it will take to rebuild the City of New Orleans at current pace.

25. Percent fewer hospitals in metro New Orleans than before Katrina.

32. Percent of the city’s neighborhoods that have fewer than half as many households as they did before Katrina.

36. Percent fewer tons of cargo that move through Port of New Orleans since Katrina.

38. Percent fewer hospital beds in New Orleans since Katrina.

40. Percentage fewer special education students attending publicly funded privately run charter schools than traditional public schools.

41. Number of publicly funded privately run public charter schools in New Orleans out of total of 79 public schools in the city.

43. Percentage of child care available in New Orleans compared to before Katrina.

46. Percentage increase in rents in New Orleans since Katrina.

56. Percentage fewer inpatient psychiatric beds than before Katrina.

80. Percentage fewer public transportation buses now than pre-Katrina.

81. Percentage of homeowners in New Orleans who received insufficient funds to cover the complete costs to repair their homes.

300. Number of National Guard troops still in City of New Orleans.

1080. Days National Guard troops have remained in City of New Orleans.

1250. Number of publicly financed vouchers for children to attend private schools in New Orleans in program’s first year.

6,982. Number of families still living in FEMA trailers in metro New Orleans area.

8,000. Fewer publicly assisted rental apartments planned for New Orleans by federal government.

10,000. Houses demolished in New Orleans since Katrina.

12,000. Number of homeless in New Orleans even after camps of people living under the bridge has been resettled — double the pre-Katrina number.

14,000. Number of displaced families in New Orleans area whose hurricane rental assistance expires March 2009.

32,000. Number of children who have not returned to public school in New Orleans, leaving the public school population less than half what is was pre-Katrina.

39,000. Number of Louisiana homeowners who have applied for federal assistance in repair and rebuilding who have still not received any money.

45,000. Fewer children enrolled in Medicaid public healthcare in New Orleans than pre-Katrina.

46,000. Fewer African American voters in New Orleans in 2007 gubernatorial election than 2003 gubernatorial election.

55,000. Fewer houses receiving mail than before Katrina.

62,000. Fewer people in New Orleans enrolled in Medicaid public healthcare than pre-Katrina.

71,657. Vacant, ruined, unoccupied houses in New Orleans today.

124,000. Fewer people working in metropolitan New Orleans than pre-Katrina.

132,000. Fewer people in New Orleans than before Katrina, according to the City of New Orleans current population estimate of 321,000 in New Orleans.

214,000. Fewer people in New Orleans than before Katrina, according to the U.S. Census Bureau current population estimate of 239,000 in New Orleans.

453,726. Population of New Orleans before Katrina.

320 million. The number of trees destroyed in Louisiana and Mississippi by Katrina.

368 million. Dollar losses of five major metro New Orleans hospitals from Katrina through 2007. In 2008, these hospitals expect another $103 million in losses.

1.9 billion. FEMA dollars scheduled to be available to metro New Orleans for Katrina damages that have not yet been delivered.

2.6 billion. FEMA dollars scheduled to be available to State of Louisiana for Katrina damages that have not yet been delivered.

Bill is a human rights lawyer, a law professor at Loyola University New Orleans and author of the forthcoming book, STORMS STILL RAGING: Katrina, New Orleans and Social Justice. A version with all sources included is available.

Bill’s email is quigley77@gmail.com. For more information see the Greater New Orleans Community Data Center and Policy Link.

Source / Information Clearing House

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Resistance to War: It Is One Struggle

Robin Long

War Resister Robin Long Sentenced to 15 Months in Prison
By Sarah Lazare / August 25, 2008.

Robin Long, an Iraq War resister deported from Canada into U.S. military custody last month, was sentenced today to 15 months of confinement and dishonorable discharge, receiving credit for 40 days of time served.

Long’s supporters, who flooded the Fort Carson, Colorado courtroom where the court martial was held and held a vigil in his honor, expressed dismay at the harsh verdict. “It sets a very chilling precedent that someone who is brought back gets the book thrown at them,” said Ann Wright, a retired U.S. Army Colonel who publicly resigned in opposition to the invasion of Iraq and served as a witness at Long’s trial. “I hope the Canadian government recognizes that.”

Three years ago, Robin Long fled to Canada rather than fight a war in Iraq he deems immoral and illegal. On July 15th, the Canadian government forcibly returned Long to U.S. military custody, making him the first war resister deported from Canadian soil since the Vietnam War.

The Canadian government’s actions flaunt its long-standing tradition of providing safe haven for U.S. war resisters and ignore a non-binding parliamentary resolution to allow U.S. soldiers to stay in Canada.

Long is a part of a growing movement of GI resistance against the Iraq War, and his case has been met with widespread support from friends and allies throughout the United States and Canada

Court Martial

Long’s court martial was held near Colorado Springs, where he was charged with desertion “with intent to remain away permanently.” He was given the maximum time of confinement negotiated in a pre-trial agreement, despite the testimony of several supporters, including Colonel Ann Wright and Matthis Chiroux, an army journalist who recently refused to deploy to Iraq. Long’s sentence stands as one of the longest handed to an Iraq War resister.

Long gave an impassioned testimony at his trial, in which he declared that he was still convinced that he had done the right thing morally, even if he did not make the most prudent legal and tactical decisions. He said that he was glad that he did not go to Iraq but wishes that there was another option available to him other than facing court martial and confinement.

The trial was packed with Long’s supporters, including members from Iraq Veterans Against the War, Veterans for Peace, and the Peace and Justice Coalition of Colorado Springs. The courtroom was so full that many of his supporters had to wait outside. When Long stepped out of the courtroom, he was met with throngs of people who cheered him on loudly, despite being pushed across the street by military police. Long’s supporters have spent months rallying on his behalf, and Courage to Resist raised funds for his civilian lawyer, James Branum.

“I think it was a long sentence but it was positive that he got his day in court and got to speak up and say what he believed,” said Mr. Branum. “His spirits were relatively good. Having two war resisters show up at his trial meant a lot to him.”

Colonel Wright says that she is disappointed in the steep verdict, but she believes the outcome would have been far worse if Long had not received such overwhelming support. “Once soldiers are returned to military control, it is in the best interest of everyone if there is support for war resisters.

Who is Robin Long?

Born in Boise, Idaho, Robin Long was raised in a military family, playing with G.I. Joes and dreaming of one day joining the service. Upon enlisting in the Army in June 2003, the recruiter promised that Long would not be sent to Iraq. Long was excited about this chance to serve his country and finally make something with his life, and he headed off for basic training feeling he had made the right decision. “When the United States first attacked Iraq, I was told by my president that it was because of direct ties to al Qaeda and weapons of mass destruction,” Long told Courage to Resist in an interview in January. “At the time, I believed what was being said.”

Over the next few months, Long’s enthusiasm began to wane. His drill sergeant repeatedly referred to Iraqi people as “ragheads” and led the troops in racist cadences. When Long protested, he was punished by senior officers and alienated by his peers. At this point, Long began to suffer a crisis of conscience. “I was hearing on mainstream media that the U.S. was going to Iraq to get the weapons of mass destruction and to liberate the Iraqi people, yet I’m being taught that I’m going to the desert to, excuse the racial slur, ‘kill ragheads.'”

After basic training, Long was transferred to the nondeployable unit at Fort Knox. Upon meeting soldiers returning from Iraq, Long was horrified by their stories of violence and brutality. Soldiers bragged about their “first kills” and showed pictures of people they shot or ran over with tanks. “I had a really sick feeling to my stomach when I heard about these things that went on,” he said.

In 2005, Long received orders to go to Iraq. The only soldier to be deployed from his unit, Long received a month’s leave to check out of Fort Knox and report to Fort Carson, Colorado. He was scheduled to deploy to Iraq a few weeks later.

While on leave, Long educated himself about the “behind the scenes” story of the Iraq invasion. He talked to friends about whether to go through with his deployment. By his scheduled departure day, Long had made the decision not to go. He skipped his flight and stayed in a friend’s basement in Boise over the next few months. From there he caught a ride to Canada. “I knew that my conscience couldn’t allow me to go over there (to Iraq),” he said.

Long spent the next three years building a life for himself in Canada. He met a woman, had a child and established contact with other war resisters in Canada. Long applied for refugee status on the grounds that he was being asked to participate in an illegal war and would suffer irreparable harm if he returned to the United States. Not only was his bid rejected, but Canadian authorities responded by mandating that Long report his whereabouts every month. He eventually settled in Nelson, a small town in British Columbia.

Orders for Deportation

Robin Long found his new life in Canada to be increasingly precarious.

He was issued a warrant for arrest by the Canadian Border Services Agency on July 4 of this year, on the grounds that he did not adequately report his whereabouts to the authorities, and he was told a few days later that he would be deported to the United States. Long appealed the order, and his supporters rallied throughout the United States and Canada, urging Canadian authorities to let him stay. Despite these efforts, Long was deported on July 15, after the judge ruled that he would not suffer irreparable harm if returned to the United States.

Long’s family remains in Canada, and before the trial, he expressed concern about the separation, which could last a number of years. “I have a son I wouldn’t be able to see. It’s kind of hard to think about that,” he told Courage to Resist.

Canada is home to an estimated 200 U.S. soldiers refusing to serve in the Iraq War, and 64 percent of Canadians favor granting them permanent residence, according to a June 27 Angus Reid Strategies poll. The Canadian House of Commons passed a non-binding resolution June 3rd, calling for a stop to the deportation of U.S. soldiers and allowing them to apply for permanent residency in Canada, but the resolution was ignored by the conservative Harper administration. Several other war resisters living in Canada face the immediate threat of deportation, including Jeremy Hinzman, who received a deportation order for September 23rd.

“We would hope that the Canadian government allow the men and women who refuse to fight a war that Canadians also refuse to fight to stay up there, especially after seeing the heavy punishment that Robin Long faces,” said Ann Wright.

A Growing Movement Against the War

The high profile of Long’s case is also a sign of the growing significance of the GI movement against the Iraq War. As the war effort becomes increasingly unpopular, more and more soldiers are speaking publicly against the invasion and refusing to serve out their contracts, with high-ranking military officials like Ehren Watada publicly denouncing military atrocities, despite facing harsh penalties for doing so.

Meanwhile, Iraq War veterans are teaming up with war resisters and other civilian and veteran supporters to build the GI movement against the war. Iraq Veterans Against the War, whose membership consists of people who have served in the U.S. military since September 11th, 2001, has been active in supporting Long and other war resisters. Several other groups, such as Courage to Resist and the War Resisters Support Campaign (Canada), have risen to support soldiers willing to take a stand. The orders for Long’s deportation were met with protests throughout the United States and Canada.

“Veterans and war resisters are beginning to see that they are in the same boat, that they are brothers and sisters, and it is one struggle,” said Gerry Condon, a Vietnam War resister and active supporter of the GI movement against the Iraq War. “The fact that people are showing this kind of solidarity with each other is really profound. Resistance within the military is certainly growing.”

Source / AlterNet

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