Rag Radio! A Conversation with Larry Ray


TUESDAY ON KOOP RADIO IN AUSTIN:

RAG RADIO

HOSTED BY THORNE DREYER

KOOP, 91.7 FM — Every Tuesday afternoon — 2-3 PM

The latest addition to the Rag media family, Rag Radio presents issue-oriented discussion and cutting edge cultural programming in the tradition of the underground press. With a heavy dose of our countercultural history. [The Rag was Austin’s legendary 60’s underground newspaper; The Rag Blog and Rag Radio represent its spiritual rebirth.]

VOLUME I, NUMBER 2:
Tuesday, October 6, 2-3 PM

A conversation with
Larry Ray
Retired journalist and television anchorman
and Rag Blog contributor

Tuesday, October 13, 2-3 PM

Healthcare NOT Warfare
Rev. Jim Rigby
St. Andrews Presbyterian Church
Austin, Texas
and
Jesse Romero
Texas State Director
Health Care for America Now


The online stream of RAG RADIO can be found here:


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The Afghan Quagmire : Considering the Options

“Smiling on Quicksand.” © Gary Winters

A no-win situation?
An Afghan quagmire in the making

By Sherman DeBrosse / The Rag Blog / October 5, 2009

We are mourning the loss of eight American soldiers who died in a day-long battle near the Pakistan border. They were killed by a well armed force that dwarfed them in size. Their mission was to try to stem the flow of Pakistani Taliban fighters over the border to join their allies in the Afghan Taliban. Indeed, a number of the fighters were Pakistani Taliban expelled from the Swat Valley by Pakistan’s army.

The guerilla force that confronted the Americans numbered about 300. In Iraq, the guerilla forces seldom exceeded 30, with the possible exception of the fighting in Falluhah.

Now we are facing the decision of whether to send in many more troops to continue a policy of nation-building and providing population security. The situation in Afghanistan is enormously complex, and there clearly is no easy resolution or way out.

Lieutenant General Stanley McCrystal has warned Washington that we are losing in our battle against the Taliban and other insurgents in Afghanistan. He has called for an additional 10,000 to 40,000 troops, and he has the backing of his very popular boss, General David Petraeus. There is a parallel to the “clear and hold” strategy employed in Vietnam, but McCrystal would be more careful with firepower and more interested in economic development.

During the campaign, Barack Obama sought to show that he was strong on national security by saying that Afghanistan was the necessary war. Now those remarks are haunting him as he ponders the sad history of foreign involvement in Afghanistan and our unpromising situation there now. Much of latter was due to the policies of the Bush Administration, but voters have short memories, and Obama will pay for lack of success in Afghanistan.

For the moment, Obama is taking time to reconsider our objectives in Afghanistan. Afghanistan has become a NATO mission, and our president would be well advised to invite NATO to join in these deliberations. Otherwise, it will appear that we are continuing the Bush policy of dictating to others.

France, Germany, and Great Britain have asked for an international conference to discuss how NATO forces can be phased out in Afghanistan. In view of the growing sentiment in Europe against the Afghanistan operation, it would be wise to learn how much support we could count on if we ramp up the effort to provide population security.

Already some writers fear that extended involvement in Afghanistan could be the rock on which the NATO vessel breaks. NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen has endorsed Obama’s decision to review the policy and has said that it is more important to get the right strategy than to rely on putting in more troops.

Biden‘s approach

Vice President Joseph Biden, after much study and two unpleasant meetings with Hamid Karzai, has concluded that the current regime in Afghanistan will not be a reliable partner for an effort to establish security for the population in Afghanistan. Until recently, National Security Advisor James L. Jones appeared to agree. Biden’s view is that the U.S. needs to focus less on Afghanistan and more on Pakistan, where Al Qaeda is and where instability makes that nation’s nuclear weapons a potential problem.

Biden suggests ramping down the counter-insurgency effort and focusing on damaging Al Qaeda, partly through Predators and air power. Spies and Special Forces and other black ops would also be involved. The US will be able to continue its drone air strikes in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, but it is doubtful that Pakistan can permit the U.S. to bomb Taliban sites in Quetta, capital of Baluchistan province. We can be of greater help to the Pakistanis as they are finally going against their own Taliban. At the moment, they are preparing an offensive in Waziristan.

Of course, the U.S. will need enough stability in some parts of Afghanistan so they can be used as bases to launch all manner of assaults against Al Qaeda. In the long run, it is doubtful that we can put Al Qaeda out of business, but we should make it our top priority to inflict as much damage as possible. There are signs that some of the insurgents are amenable to negotiations, and it is possible that money and diplomacy could accomplish with them what more troops may not.

Of course, the Biden plan would not stop the training and recruitment of Afghan soldiers and police. It should include giving the army better equipment.

Greater reliance on air power clearly suggests a willingness to repeat the carpet bombing of 2001. Should the Al Qaeda reenter Afghanistan, we would have no choice but to resume round-the-clock carpet bombing. Taliban leaders remember the bombing and realize that it would be repeated should they assist Al Qaeda establish camps and bases in their country.

Republicans demand escalation

With the remarkable exception of George Will, Republicans back the former Special Forces commander. They stand to gain no matter what Obama does in Afghanistan. If more troops are sent, and there is still failure or stalemate, they still win big time. Few will remember that John McCain and others beat the drums for more troops and a long war.

A common argument is that any backing away from an all-out effort will give Al Qaeda new energy and attract more recruits to their standard. In truth, American policy in Iraq and our tactics in Afghanistan, which harmed many civilians, were responsible for recruiting people for the Taliban and Al Qaeda. Sami Yousafzai’s interviews of Taliban people in the current Newsweek demonstrates how Bush Administration tactics alienated many and strengthened the Taliban. It is unlikely that the salutary change in course under General McCrystal can reverse the damage. Moreover, his turn toward the exercise of soft power — economic and social development — is all to the good, but this policy will require more time than we have. It can be recalled that it took John Paul Vann many years to work economic and social miracles in the Mekong Delta.

We frequently hear that anything less than a ramped up war in Afghanistan will damage U.S. credibility abroad. There may be some truth to this. Certainly other nations will not doubt that we have the ability to go anywhere and bring about massive destruction when we do not get our way. The real question should be “Does our national interest require expenditure of a great deal of blood and treasure in Afghanistan?

A similarly weak argument is that we must prevent Afghanistan from becoming a failed state so that Al Qaeda will not use it as a base of operations. This wrongly assumes that there are no other failed states Al Qaeda can use as a base. Moreover, the terrorist organization appears to be unhampered in its operations in Pakistan. As General Jones has admitted, there is no reason why the Taliban would want to leave. He claims there are less than 100 Al Qaeda in Afghanistan.

Republican columnist Michael Gerson eschews the most simplistic arguments and admits the complexity of the situation in Afghanistan. Still, he senses that Obama is in a no-win situation. Gerson redefines the civilian-military relationship a bit by insisting that suggesting that tradition demands that Obama select his best general and get out of the way.

He even mentions Harry S. Truman in this respect, though the use of that precedent can be debated. In the end, Abraham Lincoln accepted U.S. Grant’s meatgrinder approach, but he had been involved in many military decisions throughout the war. Another way to look at this is to recall that Lincoln bucked the popular George McClellan and that Truman sacked the very popular Douglas MacArthur.

One can only wonder if any of the critics are concerned that the US be in a position to construct the long-desired twin pipelines down through Afghanistan to carry Caspian gas and oil to Pakistan and, by ship, to India. This was the object of a great deal of diplomacy before 9/11, and the Bush administration even resorted to the threat of bombings. The pipelines are in our national interest but it is doubtful if soldiers should lose their lives to get them.

Another surge?

Those who insist that Obama bow to Petraeus and McCrystal think that copying the surge strategy in Afghanistan will work. The surge worked best in the urban areas of Iraq, and there are few urban areas in Afghanistan. The surge also worked in Iraq because the United States literally bought off its enemies, paying large amounts to tribal leaders and monthly stipends to their armed retainers. Only Bob Woodward has openly discussed another reason why the surge worked. Special Forces in Iraq, under McCrystal, carried out something like the Vietnam War’s Operation Phoenix and eliminated thousands of the insurgent cadre.

Repeating some version of Phoenix in Afghanistan does not require a huge increase in American forces there. Over seven years, we have spent $38 billion in Afghanistan, with few discernable positive results. Perhaps more of the money sent there should be used to buy off warlords and put their troops on retainer. It’s worth a try.

Should we bet on Karzai?

It still comes down to whether a large new commitment in human lives, money, and American prestige should be made in Afghanistan. Many Afghans believe that the present regime is hopelessly corrupt. The recent rigged election of August 20 is one indication of how weak the Karzai regime is. The UN found that one third of the votes cast for Karzai were fraudulent.

The resultant acrimony has been so great that it is unrealistic to believe that Afghans can be unified around Karzai — no matter how many troops we send there. Karzai has not bothered to denounce those who rigged the election on his behalf. His reliance upon war lords and human rights abusers is not likely to win new grassroots supporters. Of course, policy makers recall that in Vietnam the elimination of the corrupt Ngo Dinh Diem resulted in even worse leaders.

The idea that we can, using soft power, somehow win over large numbers of Karzai opponents to support him is fanciful. The counter-insurgency strategy has been based upon the idea that we could eventually build a large and effective Afghan army and matching police force. The Afghan army stands at 94,000 and has had a little success in the north. It will take two years to increase it to 134,000. That is still far short of the 300 or 400 thousand that are needed.

Who can remember that there were 91,000 when George W. Bush began to rebuild the army. A rational person would look at these figures and conclude that either the Republican administration had done poorly or it was unrealistic to expect rapid growth of that force. Our problems began when the Bushies somehow bungled the effort to nab Osama and then pulled out our most effective people so they could begin their adventure in Iraq. Any way you look at U.S. policy there under Bush, it is impossible to conclude that anything was accomplished. Obama inherited a ticking time bomb but don’t look to any Republican politician or publicist to mention this. The truth is that it could be too late to do much there.

There is also the lesson of Vietnam, where we did build a large, well-equipped ARVIN force that was ineffective and heavily infiltrated by the enemy. There were also many “potted plants,” units that existed on paper but not in reality.

Unless Karzai abandons brutality and corrupt practices overnight and becomes a Boy Scout, the prospects of bringing much stability to Afghanistan are slim. The man is a Pashtun and that should have helped him with the nation’s largest ethnic group. Instead, the Taliban, also largely Pashtun, have been able to play on Pashtun nationalism to enlist support.

Effectively ending Taliban jihadism may be beyond our ability. The Afghan Taliban practices jihad but only locally. They would only be a threat to the United States if they could again provide Al Qaeda with a base of operations. However, there is no reason for Al Qaeda to leave the Waziristan area of Pakistan, where they have the run of things and even have located families there.

Though the Taliban previously sheltered Al Qaeda, many Taliban are not warm friends of the Arab-led terrorists, and it is possible that clever intelligence people could drive a wedge between them. It should also be remembered that many who call themselves Taliban in Afghanistan are simply insurgents capitalizing on that name. Many of them can be bought off.

The Pakis will play a double game

Pakistan will continue playing a double game — doing enough to get aid while keeping the Afghan Taliban alive. The best we can do is to induce them to do more for us. Our primary goal there is to foster enough stability in Pakistan to keep the jihadists from getting their hands on the nation’s nuclear assets. That is no small job.

The Pakistani Army, though secular, long ago resorted to sponsoring Islamic jihadism as a means of countering Indian power. They built jihadist movements to threaten India in destabilizing Kashmir. In time, a jihadist opposition emerged in Pakistan itself, and the army officer corps now must deal with the fact that religious fanaticism has infected more than a few junior officers.

Because Pakistan needs to have a strong influence in Afghanistan, Pakistani intelligence, the ISI — with the help of the United States in the late 1970s and eighties — nurtured jihadism in Afghanistan. Many in Pakistan’s ISI — once closely tied to the CIA — are not inclined to do anything to injure the Afghanistan Taliban, and they believe that the United States will not be in Afghanistan indefinitely

Unless Pakistan can be induced to stop helping the Afghan Taliban, a U.S counter-insurgency program will require far more troops that McCrystal is now requesting. Afghans in the south and east already see the U.S. as an occupying power, and the presence of more troops is certain to deepen that impression in those places and possibly spread it to the rest of the country. The McCrystal strategy would be an occupation, and foreign occupations of that country since the time of Alexander the Great have been failures.

In retrospect, it appears that most of the billions poured into Afghanistan were a poor investment. One leading member of Karzai’s coalition said he will withdraw if more American troops are committed. This man is an American ally but thinks that more troops would mobilize more people against the government.

Too much was filtered through foreign contractors. The money would have been better spent buying off the Pakistan generals and ISI and bringing greater political stability to Pakistan. Fortunately, Congress has just tripled its appropriation for Pakistan; but the amount is still relatively small.

The farmers and the poppies

The Obama Administration wisely ended its war against the farmers growing poppies. It might be worthwhile to buy and destroy the Afghan opium crop. Using last year’s data, that might cost as much as $3.4 billion. This would not stop the Taliban from collecting taxes on it, but destruction of the whole crop would prevent the Taliban from moving large quantities of opium to the international market. That would cut their income by a third.

The situation in Afghanistan is very complex and unpromising. There are variables that the American public does not perceive. Do they know that many Afghans speak Persian and that they are strongly influenced by Iran. The latter could make things even worse for us but Iran has no reason now to want an unstable Afghanistan.

Our dealings with Iran can impact what goes on in Afghanistan. By appearing to be more reasonable than Bush, President Obama has obtained some important concessions from Iran and may be able to do more. If Israel were to move against Iran, we could expect Iran to use its influence against us among its Afghan clients.

Richard Holbrooke has given us an idea of how bad the situation in Afghanistan is: “Its worse than the Nam!” It is very important that the American people understand what is involved here because a decision to make a long term commitment to pacification and nation-building will require years of commitment, massive amounts of money, and far more troops than we are now contemplating.

Even with all that, there will be no guarantee that we can succeed in building a stable nation there. That is why House Minority Leader John Boehner is so angry that President Obama wants to take time making this decision. If thoughtful independents come to understand much of what is involved, they might support Obama in redefining the mission there. Information is, as usual, the enemy of Republican policy here. The more people understand, the less damage Afghanistan will inflict on Obama’s political future.

[Sherman DeBrosse is the pseudonym for a retired history teacher. Sherm spent seven years writing an analytical chronicle of what the Republicans have been up to since the 1970s. The New Republican Coalition : Its Rise and Impact, The Seventies to Present(Publish America) can be acquired by calling 301-695-1707. On line, go here.]

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Mexico : Wave of Anarchist Bombings Has Rich Historical Context


‘The breath of the revolution’:

Wave of anarchist bombings hits Mexico;
Security forces on red alert

By John Ross / The Rag Blog / October 5, 2009

MEXICO CITY — An unprecedented wave of anarchist bombings here and in provincial capitals has Mexican security forces on red alert.

Beginning September 1st, bombs have gone off once or twice a week regularly as clockwork, taking out windows and ATMs at five banks, torching two auto showrooms and several U.S. fast-food franchises plus an upscale boutique in the chic Polanco district of this conflictive capital. In each case, the Anarchist “A” has been spray-painted on nearby walls along with slogans supporting animal liberation, demands to stop prison construction, and calls for the demise of capitalism.

The serial bombings are the first to strike Mexico City since November 2006 when radicals took out a chunk of the nation’s highest electoral tribunal, blew a foreign-owned bank, and scorched an auditorium in the scrupulously-guarded compound of the once and future ruling PRI party.

The 2006 attacks came in the wake of a fraud-marred presidential election and federal police suppression of a popular uprising in the southern state of Oaxaca and were claimed by five armed groups, most prominently the Democratic Revolutionary Tendency, a split-off from the Marxist-Leninist Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR) which itself bombed a Sears outlet in Oaxaca City in 2006 and PEMEX pipelines in central Mexico in 2007.

Anarchist cells that claim to have perpetrated the recent explosions take pains to distance themselves from the Marxist bombers.

In vindicating a September 25th blast at a Banamex branch in the rural Milpa Alta delegation (borough) of Mexico City during which the rebels claim a half million pesos were immolated, “The Subversive Alliance For The Liberation Of The Earth, The Animals, & The Humans” (in that order) charged that the U.S.-owned bank promoted “torture, destruction, and slavery. “Our motives are to stop these bastards and let them know that we are not playing games.”

Bank video cameras captured the images of three hooded and black-clad young bombers. On October 1st, 22 year-old Ramsis Villareal, a student activist, was arrested by federal police and charged with “terrorism” in connection with bombings at several of the banks. He was released the next day after violent protests by young anarchists in Mexico City.

The September 25th Banamex blast was not the first time the bank has been targeted by “terrorist” bombs. In August 2001, heavy duty fireworks broke out windows in a “cristalazo” at three southern Mexico City branches to protest the sale of Banamex, Mexico’s oldest bank, to Citigroup, the New York-based banking group that has been so devastated by the financial melt-down that it recently put Banamex back up for sale.

The 2001 bombing was attributed to the little-known Armed Revolutionary Front of the People (FARP). Three brothers, students at the UNAM, and the sons of EPR founder Francisco Cerezo (not his real name), were subsequently imprisoned on “terrorism” charges — the attacks took place just days before the terrorist assaults on New York and Washington purportedly carried out by Osama Bin Laden’s Al-Qaeda group. The Cerezo brothers were imprisoned for eight years and have only recently been released from federal lockup.

The September bombings and associated property damage also singled out Mexico City and Guadalajara offices of the European bio-tech titan Novartis that, along with Monsanto, bears responsibility for spreading genetically modified seed throughout Mexico’s corn-growing belt and contaminating native species of maiz. Auto showrooms in the two cities were also on the business end of Molotov cocktails September 18th and 26th — seven luxury automobiles including a Hummer were torched at Auto Nova in Guadalajara.

An Internet page documenting the Guadalajara bombing included communiqués from Jeffrey Luers AKA “Free,” who is serving ten years in Oregon for burning up 21 SUVs on a Portland lot. “Free” is accused by the FBI of being an associate of the Earth Liberation Front, eco-“terrorists” that the U.S. Justice Department has elevated to the top of the Terrorist Hit Parade, alongside Bin Laden. The initials “ELF” were reportedly spray-painted on the burnt-out showroom walls.

Messages justifying the bombings were posted to the Total Liberation website that is dedicated to “the dissolution of civilization” and serves as an international bulletin board for notices of similar sabotage by anarchist cells around the world such as the U.S. “Burn Down The Jails!,” Latin American autonomous cells of the Animal Liberation Front — an ELF offshoot, and the Greek anarchist movement that ravaged Athens this summer.

“Our fire illuminates the night!” waxed poetic one anonymous Mexican anarchist interviewed on the Total Liberation site. “We have lost all fear of spending the rest of our days in prison,” perhaps a reference to the Cerezo brothers and Ramsis Villareal. Groups claiming bombings, and other successful acts of sabotage take fanciful names infused with poetry, bravado, and black humor: “Luddites Against the Domestication of Wildlife,” “Espana Signus Francescos” (thought to be a reference to San Francisco of Assisi, the patron saint of animals), and “Autonomous Cells of the Immediate Revolution — Praxedis G. Guerrero.”

Bust of revolutionary leader Praxedis G. Guerrero in the central plaza of the town named after him in the Mexican state of Chihuahua.


The historically obscure Guerrero
was the first anarchist to fall in the landmark 1910-1919 Mexican revolution whose centennial will be marked in 2010. Praxides G. Guerrero was felled by a “bala ciega” (literally “blind bullet”) during a guerrilla raid on Janus Chihuahua in May 1910, six months before Francisco Madero officially called for the overthrow of dictator Porfirio Diaz in November of that year to launch the Mexican revolution.

Only 28 years old on the day of his death, Guerrero was a young partisan of anarchist superstars Ricardo and Enrique Flores Magon. “Praxedis translated the theory of anarchism into practical action,” writes anarchist historian Dave Poole. In a recent e-mail, John Mason Hart, author of the definitive study “Anarchism & The Mexican Working Class,” concluded that if Guerrero had survived, the Mexican revolution would have looked more like the contemporary neo-Zapatista rebellion in Chiapas than the fratricidal bucket of blood it became.

As a writer, Praxedis G. Guerrero’s prose has all the impact of an anarchist bomb. In “Blow!” the revolutionary imagines himself as the wind: “I steal into palaces and factories, I blow through prisons and caress the infancy prostituted by Justice, I force my way into army barracks and see in them an academy of assassination, I am the breath of the revolution…”

It hardly seems a coincidence that modern-day anarchists struck in September, “the patriotic month” when Mexicans celebrate the declaration of their independence from Spain in 1810, the bicentennial of which, along with the centennial of the Mexican Revolution, is on deck in 2010.

President Felipe Calderon has budgeted billions of pesos to mark the twin centennials even as Mexico is mired in a bottomless recession that has driven millions of workers into the streets. Ironically, the Calderon government has reportedly contracted a Hollywood production outfit with the very anarchist brand-name “Autonomy” for $60,000,000 USD to mount centennial “spectaculars” — in 2008, “Autonomy” staged the spectacular pageant that opened the Beijing Olympics.

In invoking Praxedis G. Guerrero’s hallowed name, anarchist bombers appear to be celebrating the vital role their ideological forbearers played in the Mexican revolution, the first great uprising of the landless in the Americas and an immediate precursor of the Russian revolution.

Anarchism in Mexico dates back to the first days of the republic when in 1824, North American followers of the Welsh utopian socialist Robert Owen unsuccessfully sought to establish colonies along the border in Chihuahua. In the 1860s, anarchism doing business as “mutualism” (i.e. working class solidarity) took root in the burgeoning Mexican labor movement — mutualism’s most significant representation was the House of The World Worker (“Casa de Obrero Mundial“) that flourished during the early days of the revolution.

As the Mexican revolution crested at the turn into the 20th century, anarchism gained an early foothold. Ricardo and Enrique Flores Magon’s newspaper Regeneracion (“Regeneration”) was passed from hand to hand and widely read by those who sought the dictator’s overthrow. Repeatedly imprisoned by Porfirio Diaz, Ricardo and Enrique fled to the U.S. where they clandestinely continued to publish Regeneracion.

The first issue of Ricardo and Enrique Flores Magon’s newspaper Regeneracion, published on August 7, 1900.

The anarchist duo was pursued by both Diaz’s agents and U.S. immigration authorities and forced to flee from city to city (San Antonio, Los Angeles, St. Louis.) Imprisoned for violating the 1917 version of the Patriot Act, Ricardo Flores Magon died in Leavenworth Federal Penitentiary in 1922 under mysterious circumstances that suggest he was strangled by prison guards for flying a Mexican flag in his cell. A century after the Mexican revolution, a handful of campesino organizations in the Flores Magones’ native state of Oaxaca continue to incorporate the brothers’ names in their struggles.

During their ill-fated sojourn north of the border, the Magones forged links to U.S. anarchists. The IWW — the Industrial Workers of the World or Wobblies — which preached anarchism on the street corners of the American west, is said to have been the organizing force behind the miners’ strike in the great Cananea copper pit in Sonora during which a score of workers were massacred by the Arizona Rangers — Cananea is considered the seedbed of the Mexican labor movement. The celebrated Chicago anarchist Voltairine de Cleyre contributed to Regeneracion and raised bail money for the Flores Magones. In 1911, Joe Hill, the renowned Wobbly organizer and bard, rode with the Magonistas in a failed expedition to liberate Baja California.

Despite their margination from the revolutionary mainstream, Magonistas fought in the armies of Emiliano Zapata, Francisco Villa, and Venustiano Carranza although they were often singled out as troublemakers and executed by revolutionary firing squads.

The anarchist flame in Mexico would never have survived without the solidarity of Spanish exiles. Spanish anarchists played a critical role in the formation of the House of the World Worker and after the Spanish Civil War (1936-9) anarchist fighters and thinkers were offered sanctuary from Franco’s fascist hordes in Mexico. Spanish anarchists founded the Social Reconstruction Library in downtown Mexico City, an invaluable repository of anarchist archives.

The Zapatista rebellion in Chiapas in 1994 signaled the second coming of Mexican anarchism. The EZLN’s rejection of dependence on the “mal gobierno” (bad government) and its insistence on collective action and the creation of autonomous zones in the southeast of that highly-indigenous state inspired collectives of young anarchists, often clustered around the National Autonomous University or UNAM. Anarchist activists spurred the 1999-2000 strike against a tuition hike at the National University. Ski-masked, so-called “ultras” with tags like “El Mosh,” “El Gato,” and “The Devil” drove the student struggle to sectarian excess and a clampdown by the federal police that resulted in 700 arrests.

The uproar at the 1999 Seattle conclave of the World Trade Organization was the first explosion of the anti-globalization movement in which anarchists would play a pivotal role. Black clad youth basked in the media spotlight in Seattle but property damage against franchise chains like Niketown by the self-named “Black Bloc” purportedly animated by the writings of U.S. anarchist guru John Zerzan, offended mainstream anti-globalization groups like Global Exchange whose founder Medea Benjamin called for their arrest. The Seattle uprising was first plotted at a 1996 anti-globalization forum staged by the Zapatistas on the fringes of the Lacandon jungle.

The death of Black Blocker Carlo Giuliani under the guns of the police at the 2001 Genoa Italy G-8 summit had deep scratch in the Zapatista zone where a clinic has been named for the anarchist martyr at Oventic, the rebels’ most public outpost — the Giuliani family has contributed an ambulance.

Mexican black blockers went into action at the 2003 WTO fiasco in the luxury port of Cancun. Armed with Molotov cocktails, shopping carts filled with rocks, and home-made battering rams, the anarchos threatened to storm police barricades but spontaneous peace-making by indigenous women protestors helped avoid bloodshed and the black-clad militants decided to burn down a local pizza parlor instead.

Bloodshed was on the agenda at a 2004 Ibero-American summit in Guadalajara when then Governor Francisco Ramirez Acuna (now president of the lower house of the Mexican congress) unleashed his robocops on an anti-globalization rally. Young anarchists were beaten into the sidewalk like so many baby harp seals and dragged off to gaol where police torture continued for weeks. Several block blockers were held for nearly a year despite the outcry from the international human rights community.

Anarchist collectives in Mexico City are not universally unruly. La Karakola, a collective that swears allegiance to Zapatismo and non-violence, would just as soon dance as toss rocks at the cops. Anarcho “squats” take over abandoned buildings — the “okupas” modeled on those run by Barcelona activists pop up in unlikely neighborhoods such as the squat house under the towering Torre Mayor, an 88-story skyscraper on swanky Reforma boulevard.

Punky anarchist fashion — black clothes, studded leather jackets, piercings, exotic hairstyles, and a written language in which “k’s” replace “c’s”, is popular with dissident big city youth and on display Saturday mornings at the Chopo Bazaar and evenings at the Alicia Forum where punk meets anarchism. But most anarchofashionistas” are not bombers — it’s a struggle to slip a ski mask over a Mohawk.

2006 seems to be the year that anarcho fury at the destruction of the planet took wings — the earliest postings on the Total Liberation page date from then. The first actions were little publicized and dismissed by police and the media as vandalism — destruction of pay phones installed by Telmex, owned by tycoon Carlos Slim, the richest man in Latin America, is a popular sport. Sabotage peaked in 2008 when 129 actions were recorded, most of them non-violent such as the liberation of slaughter house-bound chickens and the reconfiguration of bull ring signage transforming the Toluca Plaza de Torros into a “Plaza of Torturers.”

One exception was the torching of a leather expo in Leon Guanajuato, the shoe and boot capital of Mexico. On October 2nd, the 40th anniversary of the 1968 student massacre, fast food franchises were Molotov-ed in the capital’s old quarter and 13 anarchists arrested. Fake bombs were subsequently planted at MacDonald’s, KTC, and Burger King in ten provincial cities.

The September wave of bombings was a defiant step upwards but not by much — the “bombs” were primitively fashioned from butane tanks used by plumbers to solder pipes and detonated by bottle rockets. All bombings occurred during early morning hours to avoid human casualties although some stray dogs and cats may have been singed.

Despite the lack of lethal intent, the bombings have riveted the attention of numerous security forces, particularly the CISEN, Mexico’s lead intelligence agency which is reportedly spread thin trying to keep tabs on plans by clandestine guerrilla bands ranging from the Zapatistas to the EPR to foment armed uprising during the 100th birthday party of the Mexican revolution to which all Mexicans, regardless of ideological persuasion, have been invited.

[John Ross’s monstrous El Monstruo — Dread & Redemption In Mexico City will be published this November by Nation Books. Iraqigirl, the diary of a teenager growing up under U.S. occupation, is already in the stores. The author will be touring with both volumes in 2009-2010 and invites suggestions of venues at johnross@igc.org.]

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Understanding the Politics of the Vocal Discontents

Remember Scout and Jem Finch?

They who burn books …. will also, in the end, burn people.” — Heinrich Heine

Fear, Ignorance and the Summer of Our Discontent
By John Atcheson / October 4, 2009

Fear

To those of us in the reality based community, watching the tea-baggers, death panelist propagators, birthers and assorted other whackjobs conjure up government fascism out of whole cloth, even as they unwittingly defend the unbridled fascistic behavior of corporations, defies logic.

Seeing them this past Summer act out their delusions at town hall meetings and on the Nation’s Mall — waving Don’t Tread on Me signs; invoking the Founders as they engaged in the most undemocratic behavior; vilifying the President– perplexes those of us who inhabit the real world. Where, we ask ourselves, does such a deadly brew of willful ignorance and passionate intensity come from?

Good question.

There are cultural, sociological and psychological explanations for their political pornography, and it is useful to examine them.

The most important fact to understand, is that these are the people who were left behind by change. In fact, one of their more popular signs is “Keep the Change“. Although they don’t realize it, the change they rail against is not the one Obama talks about – rather it is the one that has occurred in the last two generations.

Less than fifty years ago, these largely white and religious cohorts inhabited a world in which they were the majority. A world in which everyone knew why we were placed on this Earth, Who put us here, and what we ought to believe – a world in which everything was mapped out, a world in which they were the cartographers and the keepers of the sacred knowledge.

In those halcyon days of yesteryear, when people defined who it was that constituted “us” and who it was that made up “them,” they found themselves in the majority. And it was good.

But society has moved on.

We now live in a multi-ethnic world dominated by rapid change, chaotic cultural shifts, materialism, uncertainty, and perhaps most of all, loss of control. Our children hop into cars and out of our lives. They log onto the web and get exposed to a universe of things that range from the divine to the heinous. Our families disintegrate as they chase jobs, and so too, do our communities and our mores. Transience replaces permanence in people, places and things. We get Relativity, but it comes with relativism.

The certainties that formed their shared reality two generations ago have been swept away. Most people moved forward in lockstep with reality. But those left behind are threatened, scared, and angry at forces they only dimly understand, and their response is to see the world, not as it is, but as they wish it were – as it used to be in a more certain time.

Ignorance

Education played a large part in whether people could adapt to the new world, or whether they couldn’t. A Washington Post ABC poll taken in late 2008, found that white people without a college degree favored John McCain by 17 percentage points, while those with a college degree preferred Barack Obama by 9 percentage points.

The dispossessed need narratives and scapegoats to make their plight comprehensible and they need easy targets to blame. The Republicans and their corporate overlords have given them one: Government is the last stereotype – the new nigger, spick, wop, or mick.

The election of a black President to head the all-purpose bogeyman — evil big gubmint – has allowed fear mongers to literally put a face on this scapegoat, and unleashed an irrational frenzy among the dispossessed. Thus, this past summer thousands on the national Mall and at town hall meetings were joined by only one real common issue -they’ve accepted an all-purpose scapegoat for their fall from grace: Government is the protector of the source of all their fears and problems: the “others,” the “not us,” and now it’s run by one of “them.”

That’s why immigration pops up in any issue including health care. That’s why the vague fear of Muslims taking over the country. That’s why a single group can stand in unison as they protest the strangest of bedfellows: fascists, socialists, and “libruls,” that are in some dim way supposed to be connected to health care. That’s why they are suddenly concerned about deficits and fiscal responsibility after silently watching as their idols – Reagan and Bush – literally blew up the federal budget. That’s why they resent taxes, so much of which they fear is destined for “the others,” even though most of the crowd appeared to be at or near the medicare/social security age.

The Roots of Discontent

But here is the ultimate irony – the changes that have left the tea-baggers and other assorted tin foil hat types feeling rootless, disenfranchised, and fearful were unleashed in large measure by the doctrine they defend: Reaganism.

Or more precisely, Corporatism.

The answer to Tomas Frank’s iconic question: What’s the Matter with Kansas is that Corporations have skillfully and systematically exploited the sense of fear and disenfranchisement that a “market uber-alles” creates to effectively neuter the only power capable of challenging them and containing their excesses: government.

And it isn’t just the whackjobs who have been complicit.

While the roots of corporate oligarchy go back to our very founding, and their power derives from some post-Civil War era Supreme Court Decisions which essentially gave corporations rights of personhood, it saw two great incarnations – first, beginning in the Gilded Age and extending right up to 1929; and again, since the 1980’s when it became a doctrine on steroids under Regan.

Corporate power reached its zenith during the laissez-faire 1920’s, and led to an unprecedented concentration of wealth in the upper 1% of the population and an unconstrained private sector and – inevitably – to the Great Depression. Roosevelt put in place programs which created a level playing field and a constrained private sector that operated in a manner consistent with the public good, and those programs contributed to four decades of sustained growth and a burgeoning middle class.

But for the last three decades, this nation has retreated from those New Deal programs. Progressives watched mutely as wages flatlined, as jobs disappeared overseas, as wealth was once again ripped from the hands of the poor and handed to the richest 1%; as the financial world was de-regulated; as government was vilified; and as the political process got hi-jacked.

The real tragedy is that while progressives hunkered down, afraid to confront the popular and appealing message of Reagan and his ideological descendants, corporations funded a coordinated takeover of the Republican Party, the popular press, and the machinery of government.

The corporate fleecing of America remains the greatest story never told.

Indeed, Bush slipped two ardent corporatists into the Supreme Court while progressives and the news media focused on wedge issues like abortion. As a result, we now have the most corporate-friendly Supreme Court in a century. Last week the Court took the unusual step of rushing a case to judgment that could substantially expand corporate political influence.

It’s a War, Stupid

What progressives have failed to comprehend, and what Obama’s compromise-driven approach to governance fails to appreciate is that there is a war on for the hearts, minds, and soul of America. In this war, Republicans are bit-players – minions of corporate power. Democratic Blue Dogs are their brethren – sniffing eagerly at the nether regions of the corporate body for tasty crumbs. The real war is one between government and Corporations. And Corporations, having bought off the upper class and both parties, and skillfully manipulated the fearful to encourage divisiveness, are winning.

The shape of the Wall Street bailout; the corporate-friendly nature of the health care debate; the weakness of the climate bills, the obscene size of our defense budget have all been dominated by our complete failure to address the one big issue – to engage in the war of ideologies that must be waged. If people have been fooled, progressives have no one but themselves to blame. They’ve only heard one side of the debate.

Progressives have simply lacked the courage to take this war on. Even though it is obvious that the laissez-faire dogma of Hoover/Reagan/Bush brought on the Great Depression and the Greatest Recession respectively, Democrats cower when confronted with complaints about big Gubmint’ or “socialism,” or “fascism”; and they nod placidly when people say that the magic markets will bring about all good things by pure serendipity if we just leave them alone.

As for raising taxes to provide services demanded by voters? Fugeddaboutit. Ditto on regulating the excesses of the financial sector.

Reagan advocated an essentially amoral framework for society – not amoral as it is often used to mean immoral but amoral in its literal sense — operating outside of a moral context. This essentially undid much of what Roosevelt had achieved: tethering the unbridled power of corporations to the government so that it might be forced to meet basic ethical and pragmatic limitations that served the common good.

With the popularity of Reaganism, we spent three decades shrinking government and glorifying and unleashing the private sector.

The reality of the new world order is that tyranny is, in fact afoot. But it is the handmaiden of corporations not government. And it is about to become much worse, as the Bush Supreme Court Appointees rush to expand corporate control over the political process.

Ironically, government is the only entity capable of protecting people from the new fascists – unconstrained corporations.

The Founders were fond of checks and balances. Thus, the three branches of government were set up to operate as counterweights, preventing any one branch from getting too much power. One must believe that they would have built in checks against corporate power if it had existed then in anything like the form it does now.

Yes, there is a war for the mind, heart, and soul of this country. We must decide, once and for all, whether we wish to be a nation of and for the people, or one of the corporation, by the corporation and for the corporation.

The Progressive and Democratic response to this war has been a three decade swoon that makes them the modern-day equivalent of Neville Chamberlain, appeasing the Reaganistas at every turn. It has not worked; it will not work.

The Health Care Debacle – Poster Child for Progressive Cowardice

Watching the tea-baggers, one is tempted to dismiss them as little more than slack-jawed yokels at a three-card-monty festival – another case of dumb asses getting the wool pulled over their eyes.

But watching the health care bill turn from populist reform to industry pork aided and abetted by the Democrats we elected, we have to wonder whether we’re really any smarter.

At its root, the health care debate is simple. Right now, we have a middle man – the health insurance industry – that imposes a 30% surcharge (nearly $400 billion each year) on health care, while adding no value whatsoever to health. In fact, they restrict care. Operating beside it are government run programs which have a transaction cost of only 3.5%, with better outcomes and higher customer satisfaction. The same is true for pharmaceuticals – Bush’s program prohibits the government from negotiating lower prices and prohibits customers from buying imports, which gives big PhRMA some $700 billion in excess profits.

So the question is, do we want to pay a 30%, $350 billion surcharge for poorer and more uncertain care, or do we want to pay a 3.5% transaction cost for better care and better service? It’s that simple.

But we’ve watched mutely as 3,300 health care lobbyists (more than six lobbyists for each member of Congress) storm the Hill, spending more than $4 million a day solely to obfuscate the issue and preserve their amoral profits.

This summer we yielded control of the Bill to six Senators – who represent only 2.6 % of Americans and who have received more than $8.5 million in campaign contributions from the health care industry – and allowed them to strip out consumer protections in the Bill even as they load it with industry party favors.

We watched in silence as Obama and the Dems unilaterally jettisoned the single payer plan, and we watched as the gang of six stripped out the anemic alternative — a public option — even though the majority of Americans initially favored both. How is it that our elected representatives do not – will not – represent us?

We accept at face value the idea that the Bills all preserve choice, when in fact industry gets first choice of whether you get to keep your insurance, or whether you get to opt for the public option (if their even is one). Obama has stood idly by while this corporate takeover of the debate proceeded – in fact, he cut his own backroom deals with big PhaRMA – privately agreeing, as Bush did, not to use government’s bargaining authority to reduce drug costs in exchange for their support.

This is a war; but health care is only a battle. On its face, it appears that on one side are lunatic tea-baggers full of equal parts passionate intensity and ignorant delusion; on the other are those lacking all conviction. But the reality is, that above it all, conning the yokels with distractions, and buying off the last pockets of government power are the corporate forces of tyranny – neither evil nor good, just doing whatever we allow them to do.

We will lose this war, until and unless we constrain corporate power – until we name the beast and demand that our representatives represent us.

This is our last chance. Obama’s address to Congress was a start. But it will take a great leader – not simply a great rhetorician – to win this war and he can’t do it alone.

Obama has suffered comparisons with Franklin Roosevelt since he crossed the threshold of the White House, but as many have pointed out, when Roosevelt was confronted with demands from the activists in his party, he said, “I agree with you. I want to do it. Now make me do it.”

If we expect Obama to do his part, we must do ours. If 70% of us want serious health care reform, we can’t simply talk to pollsters about it. If we are upset that Wall Street is being made whole with our taxes and disbursing mega-bonuses to fat cat CEOs, while the rest of the economy – the real economy – languishes, we can’t passively wait for justice to arrive by Limo or Lear Jet.

We must demand that we get our government back; we must confront and drive a stake into the thoroughly discredited theology of Hoover/Reagan/Bush; we must be sure our voices are heard. We must turn the money changers from the sacred halls of governance. We must insist that media become something more than stenographers turning tricks for their corporate Johns. At the end of the day, corporations only have money – we have the vote.

Tea baggers have been manipulated by corporate interests precisely because they are the most aggrieved and disenfranchised members of society.

Corporations have bet that the slightly more affluent progressives have enough skin in the game that we’ll stay on our couches and mumble epithets. We can make fun of the tea baggers, but at least they are out there.

As Labor Day drifts into hazily recalled burgers, beer, and bogus sales from retailers, we should remember what it stands for. It is time to organize. If our representatives are on the take, we must get rid of them. If our leaders won’t lead, we must lead them.

We can stop the corporate K-Street takeover of America. But we must first believe that it exists. We do not face evil, we face something far more dangerous – an entity that is devoid of all values and ethics save one: the relentless drive to accumulate wealth and power for its own sake. Adam Smith was wrong – without the government to set boundary conditions and establish an even playing field, there is no common good in capitalism. Only tyranny and subjugation.

We must work to check the unbridled power of money in our political system or see it destroyed. Our voices and our votes can triumph – but only if we get off the couches and, to borrow a phrase from the tea-baggers, Take Back Our Country.

Of course, we do have an alternative.

Care to pick a card, yokel? Any card?

[John Atcheson’s writing has appeared in the Washington Post, the Baltimore Sun, the San Jose Mercury News, the Memphis Commercial Appeal, as well as in several wonk journals. Email to: atchman@comcast.net.]

Source / Common Dreams

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Larry Ray : Echoes from Vietnam

Larry Ray in Cu Chi Vietnam, late summer 1966.

Echoes from Vietnam:
Dying again in Afghanistan

Afghanistan is an even older and thornier problem [than Vietnam]. And one that cannot be bombed into submission.

By Larry Ray / The Rag Blog / October 4, 2009

Forty three years ago as a young civilian correspondent and documentary filmmaker, I stepped off the plane in Saigon knowing nothing about the history of that country or its people, and little or nothing about why Americans were fighting and dying there. I had come to see the war of my time.

As a U.S. Navy veteran and young news anchor for a South Texas regional TV station it seemed a given that we were there to fight godless communism and that we were the good guys.

It was 1966 and WWII had been over for 21 years and hostilities in Korea had ceased in 1953. But Americans still saw our military and patriotism as Johnny marching home again to ticker tape parades. We had whipped the Nazis and the Japs, and fought the North Koreans and commie Chinese to a draw. Clearly American might was not to be messed with.

But by 1966 America’s claim of winning an honorable peace in South Vietnam was being seriously challenged by seasoned journalists in both Saigon and Washington D.C.. About the time I arrived, Morley Safer filed his story showing our Marines using a zippo lighter to set fire to thatch roofed homes in a rural village on a “search and destroy” mission. His was perhaps the first story that Americans saw that suggested America was facing bleak prospects of victory. We damn sure were not winning hearts and minds.

After a few months of sitting through bogus U.S. military press briefings which we called the “five o’clock follies,” and working with seasoned reporters from around the world, my Boy Scout naiveté disappeared. After a year of the outright lies and misrepresentations in Pentagon and White House press releases about things I had seen with my own eyes, my naiveté turned to a frustrated, simmering anger. An anger that was ultimately taken to the streets across America just a few years later.

Since the Vietnam War, accredited correspondents have no longer been allowed to freely move about and report on our wars. Reporters are now “embedded” within military units under their control and influence.

The parallels between America’s disastrous involvement in Southeast Asia and our costly and ill-advised involvement in the Middle East have fired up that frustration and anger anew. This time opposition by the average American to requests for more troops in Afghanistan is getting louder before the new call for 40,000 more troops has even been approved.

Our involvement in Vietnam started in 1950. General Eisenhower’s decision to send military advisers to help the South Vietnamese army was the start of a massive buildup of American troop strength which reached a high of 543,482 in 1969. In the early years in Vietnam the Pentagon was still using a set-piece, WWII battle mentality, and Communism was our new political devil. And this was a hot, sweaty jungle war with no front lines.

Very few Americans spoke or understood the sing-songy monosyllabic Vietnamese language. The history and dynamics of a very old country that had been at war in some form or another for more than a thousand years was lost on those tasked with guiding America’s efforts there.

The fiercest battles were being secretly waged between the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Department of State. The State Department’s political and diplomatic findings were muzzled and marginalized. We bombed Hanoi while increasing numbers of young draftees and regular American troops were being slaughtered as they fought fiercely in unforgiving conditions for a cause they did not understand. Almost twice as many Vietnamese, insurgents as well as civilians, died from our bombs and bullets.

America’s strong belief in the efficacy of power reasoned that if bombing our way to peace was not working, there was no need to consider diplomacy or a new approach. Clearly we only needed to drop more bombs, send in more troops and the enemy would finally give up. And that is just what we did. The generals called for increasing the enemy body count to achieve peace and allow us to return home with honor. And our politicians went right along with that reasoning.

We failed to appreciate that we were in the middle of a very old private fight between North and South. Intelligence showed early on that a majority in the South was ready for peace, even a communist style of peace, and most of all wanted the “long noses” who they saw as raining destruction down upon them to be driven out of their country. In Vietnam there ultimately was no victory and no honor for America. Today Vietnam is peaceful and prosperous and an important trading partner with the USA, just like our top trading partner, communist China.

The military might mentality was challenged early on by president John F. Kennedy, who in 1961 bucked extreme pressure from the Pentagon and within his own White House, and refused to order combat troops into Vietnam, limiting our presence there to military advisers. JFK listened not only to his top military brass, but also to his State Department, particularly undersecretary George Ball who predicted pretty much what eventually happened, except reality was worse than what he envisioned. After JFK’s death his order halting combat troops was reversed by President Johnson, driven more by domestic politics than military necessity.

In Vietnam 58,000 American troops were killed, 155,192 were wounded or missing. The touted “domino effect” where all Southeast Asia would topple country after country to communism if we didn’t win in Vietnam now is easy to see as so much expedient political hysteria.

The story is, of course, much more complex than this, but the bare bones are that politicians and military leaders refused to listen to the State Department and other foreign service experts who laid bare the corrupt leadership of South Vietnam, and pointed out that this was a long simmering internal war of insurgency with strong nationalistic roots. The actual communist Chinese or Soviet Russian interest in and backing of the war was extremely limited.

Our desire to strike back after the attack on the World Trade Center and Pentagon on September 11, 2001, combined the totally inept leadership of the George W. Bush administration with, once again, expedient political hysteria. First we launched an inadequately planned and then insufficiently supported attack upon al Qaeda strongholds in Afghanistan. Osama bin Laden and his al Qaeda top officials escaped to protective sheltering by tribal supporters who had seen their country invaded by the British, the Soviet union, and now American and NATO troops.

Then, with political misinformation, outright lies, a cowed press and a Congress that asked few questions, our government launched an unprovoked invasion of Iraq, which had nothing whatsoever to do with the 9-11 attacks on the USA. This mad neo-conservative misadventure has had a massively destabilizing effect upon the Middle East and has bred more hatred for the USA and our military in the Arab world.

It has also unnecessarily stressed our military’s ready troop strength and equipment readiness with 4,300 U.S. troops killed and more than 30,000 wounded and injured as of September 2009. Cost of the Iraq war is expected to surpass the $686 billion present day dollar value cost of the Vietnam war by year’s end.

One of President Obama’s first actions after taking office was to make good on his promise to get us out of Iraq, and that is now underway. Though the dynamics, politics, religion and leadership are totally different from Vietnam, Iraq, like Vietnam, will ultimately reach its own destiny without the forceful imposition of American ideas and politics upon its ancient culture. We eliminated its despotic leader, but its people still must sort through complex religious and ideological differences on its own and they may or may not decide to remain some sort of democracy.

Afghanistan is an even older and thornier problem. And one that cannot be bombed into submission. Afghanistan was first invaded by Alexander the Great in 330 BC. The tribal warlords have never been successfully subdued. No “surge” of military troops will somehow completely overpower the zealotry of religious belief. Imagine foreign troops invading America trying to subdue and forcibly control ultra-orthodox elements of the Southern Baptist Convention or the Catholic Church, because they saw them as bad for the American people.

Afghanistan has never had organized, cohesive governance and is today just a fragile step away from becoming a failed state like Somalia. That is why it was an ideal location for Bin Laden to train his al Qaeda fighters. The American figurehead Afghan President, Hamid Karzai, has become a real problem for the U.S. as well as NATO. We had hoped, with our backing, he could somehow unify the disparate tribes flung through the mountains and badlands into a proud democracy.

But such dreams have been jarred by the reality of a Karzai-rigged national election with rampant vote tampering and voter intimidation. Karzai is no better than the warlords we want him to pull together. Karzai has now distanced himself from his American minders and has lost legitimacy in the eyes of the Afghan people.

Now we want to send in a massive number of new troops and equipment to somehow again “win hearts and minds” and drive out the Taliban with brute force.

While the Taliban have no designs upon terror against America or any of the other NATO nations now with troops in the country, they operate as brutal criminals in Afghanistan and neighboring Pakistan. An increased armed American presence there is a daily irritant to Afghans, as well as neighboring rogue areas of Pakistan caught between foreign troops who often cannot tell the difference between peaceful civilians and the Taliban.

Once more we are fighting a war where troops do not speak the language or understand the people and are tasked with fighting often in 130º heat. The goal of preventing Afghanistan from again becoming an al Qaeda terrorist training ground cannot be accomplished by bombing the country into submission. This is a complicated political, diplomatic and sociological challenge.

President Obama, in office less than a year, just like JFK, must soon make a decision regarding the politically charged prospect of approving or disapproving more troops being called for by a top military general. I hope he is aware of the assessment of others who have tried to subdue this ragged country:

“Afghanistan taught us an invaluable lesson . . . It has been and always will be impossible to solve political problems using force. We should have helped the people of Afghanistan in improving their life, but it was a gross mistake to send troops into the country.”

– Retired Red Army General Boris Gromov

[Retired journalist Larry Ray is a Texas native and former Austin television news anchor. He also posts at The iHandbill.]

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Obama Plays Nuclear Chess with Iran

President Obama discusses talks with Iran in Geneva, at White House Oct. 1, 2009. Photo by AFP.

Is Obama putting Ahmadinejad on the defensive?
The complex question of Iran’s nuclear plans

By Steve Weissman / The Rag Blog / October 4, 2009

Neo-con pundits demand regime change in Iran. Israeli president Bibi Netanyahu makes no secret of his hopes to bomb, bomb, bomb Iran in 2010. And many in the left-leaning blogosphere accuse Washington of making phony claims that yet another Middle Eastern country is moving toward weapons of mass destruction. But a closer look suggests that Barack Obama may be playing a nuanced game that could severely restrict Iran’s capacity to build nuclear weapons.

Start by asking the telltale question: Do the Iranians have a program to build a bomb? In a November 2007 National Intelligence Estimate, the U.S. intelligence community concluded “with high confidence that in fall 2003, Tehran halted its nuclear weapons program.” But British, French, German and Israeli spy-masters have increasingly come to believe that American intelligence got it wrong and that the Iranians either restarted or never stopped their efforts to design a nuclear warhead.

The dispute, often quite heated, revolves in part over test data, reports, diagrams, videos and other documentation that the media mistakenly calls “the laptop.” According to the highly-respected Institute for Science and International Security (ISIS), German intelligence had recruited an Iranian agent who passed the documentation to his wife just before the Iranian government arrested him. He is believed to have died in custody, but in 2004 his wife smuggled the information into Turkey, where she gave it to U.S. authorities.

The IAEA has repeatedly asked the Iranians about the information, but has not given them copies of the documentation itself in order to protect where it came from. The Iranians claim it is all a forgery and have refused for two years to answer the IAEA’s questions about the underlying information.

Several senior staff-members at the International Atomic Energy Agency believe the documentation to be authentic and cited it along with other information in a secret working report titled “Possible Military Dimensions of Iran’s Nuclear Program.”

The ISIS website has published portions of the report, which concludes that the Iranians have the know-how to put a workable nuclear warhead into one of their Shabab 3 missiles. The Associated Press wrote about the report on September 17, and the Sunday New York Times headlined it on October 4.

The report remains an unfinished document, and the IAEA’s outgoing director-general, Nobel Peace laureate Mohammed ElBaradei, has argued strongly against its release. But, the publicity surrounding the report raises damning questions that Iranian negotiators will have difficulty evading.

Which brings us to a second question: Did the Iranians try to conceal their enrichment facility near the holy city of Qom, as Obama accused them of doing?

Iran’s president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and his defenders argue that he fulfilled his legal commitment to the IAEA by reporting the plant’s existence on September 21, which was more than the required six months before introducing nuclear materials into any new facility. Iran had agreed to give this standard six-month notification when it signed its original safeguards agreement with the IAEA.

The Obama administration and Dr. ElBaradei say no, Iran subsequently agreed to notify the IAEA of any new enrichment facility when they first decide to build it. This was in the “additional protocol” or “modified Code 3.1” that Iran signed in December 2004.

The legal dispute arises because Iran never formally ratified the new agreement and withdrew its promise to observe it in March 2007. Former weapons inspector Scott Ritter and others argue that this absolved Iran of any legal obligation to report the Qom plant before it did. The IAEA’s ElBaradei, normally a good friend of the Iranians, believes that they had no legal right to withdraw their promise to the IAEA and were “on the wrong side of the law” in not reporting the Qom plant from the start.

Whoever has the better legal argument, the lack of transparency on the Qom plant added to suspicions that the Iranians were looking to turn their legal stockpile of low-enriched uranium into high-enriched uranium for weapons. They could do this simply by withdrawing from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and IAEA inspections, which they have threatened to do.

The U.S. intelligence community appears to have had this in mind in their 2007 National Intelligence Estimate, when they determined “with moderate-to-high confidence that Tehran at a minimum is keeping open the option to develop nuclear weapons.” Should it decide to exercise that option, the NIE declared, “Iran probably would use covert facilities — rather than its declared nuclear sites — for the production of highly enriched uranium for a weapon.”

By dramatically “revealing” the Qom enrichment plant only days after Tehran reported it to the IAEA, Obama put the Iranians on the defensive, which the Americans and their allies probably intended. Happily, Tehran responded by quickly agreeing to accept IAEA inspections starting on October 25, which should help move their nuclear program into greater transparency and make any secret bomb-making a great deal more difficult.

[A veteran of the Berkeley Free Speech Movement and the New Left monthly Ramparts,Steve Weissman lived for many years in London, working as a magazine writer and television producer. A former senior editor at Truthout, he now lives and works in France. For previous articles by Steve Weissman on The Rag Blog, including those about Iran and the “Green Revolution,” go here.]

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Cause of Death : Forensic Science Gone Bad

“The Judgment of Cambyses” (right panel) by Gerard David, 1498.

A post mortem:
The justice system and the medical examiner

There has been a spate of occurrences that is beginning to cast some doubt on the judgment of at least some medical examiners, and the problem is nationwide.

By Ted McLaughlin / The Rag Blog / October 4, 2009

Medical Examiners perform autopsies, rule on cause of death and testify to their findings in a court of law. Their job is at the very core of our system of justice, and generally juries trust them implicitly. If a medical examiner says something is true, then most juries accept that pronouncement as unimpeachable. After all, that medical examiner has medical training and most jurors do not.

But recently, there has been a spate of occurrences that is beginning to cast some doubt on the judgment of at least some medical examiners, and the problem is nationwide. Just look at some of these recent incidents documented by the Fort Worth Star-Telegram:

  • The Boston medical examiner’s office sent the wrong bodies to funeral homes and had a body cremated before police could determine whether a murder had taken place.
  • A Mississippi forensic pathologist is being sued over his testimony that was key in convicting two men later exonerated by DNA testing. The pathologist was conducting about 1,500 autopsies a year.
  • The Oklahoma City medical examiner’s office had its accreditation yanked this summer because of dozens of deficiencies, and a grand jury reported that the office mishandled items that could have been used as evidence in criminal cases.
  • The Tennessee Medical Board found a state medical examiner guilty of 18 counts of misconduct, potentially compromising hundreds of convictions. The violations included botched work, tampering with evidence and sloppy records, with a heap of callousness added to the mix.

Texas is not immune to these problems either. In our large and populous state with 254 counties, only six of those counties have medical examiner offices that are accredited by the National Association of Medical Examiners (NAME). These counties are Harris, Tarrant, Dallas, Travis, Bexar and Nueces (and some of these offices have even had some embarrassing goof-ups). Look at what has happened recently in Texas:

  • The Tarrant County medical examiner’s office said injuries from a pickup wreck killed him. But after a funeral director hundreds of miles away found a bullet in the man’s head, authorities realized a killer was on the loose.
  • A child molester faked his own death and almost got away with it after the Travis County medical examiner mistook the burned body of an 81-year-old woman for the 23-year-old man.
  • A woman was on her way to Death Row in Alabama after a medical examiner now working in Texas said she had suffocated her newborn. The sad truth, other experts said, was that the baby was stillborn.
  • An Austin baby sitter has spent years on Death Row for a baby’s murder. The medical examiner whose testimony helped put her there now says the baby’s death may have been an accident.

To their credit, the Texas legislators tried to do something about this in the 2009 legislative session. They passed a bipartisan bill “that would have required that medical examiners and their deputies be board-certified in anatomic and forensic pathology. It would also have given medical examiners the say-so on who can attend autopsies and the power to subpoena law enforcement and medical records.”

In my opinion, the bill didn’t go far enough. It should have also limited the number of autopsies a single person could perform in a year to 350 or less, and should have required ME offices to be accredited by NAME. But it was a good start on what needs to be done and would have improved the quality of autopsies in Texas.

So what happened to this good bipartisan bill? It was vetoed by Governor Rick Perry! And the governor refuses to respond to questions about why he did this. Could it be that he just doesn’t care about the state of criminal justice in Texas?

Criminal trials start with a determination by the medical examiners office. If that determination is faulty (or downright wrong), then there is almost no possibility that the trial can result in a fair and just verdict.

We’ve already seen that Perry presided over the execution of an innocent man, and then tried to cover it up by a timely replacement of several Texas Forensic Science Commission board members. With his veto of the medical examiner bill, he leaves little doubt that he considers his political fortunes more important than the accuracy and fairness of the criminal justice system in Texas.

Is there any doubt remaining that he should be replaced as governor?

[Ted McLaughlin also blogs at jobsanger.]

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Afghani Olympics : Will Obama Lose This One Too?


Will Obama learn from his Chicago defeat
And abandon the no-win Afghanistan marathon?

Team Obama needs — as the International Olympics Committee has just done — to be continually reminded that the rest of the world is not an American kick ball.

By Harvey Wasserman / The Rag Blog / October 4, 2009

The stunning rejection of Barack Obama’s play for the Chicago Olympics had better teach him a good lesson about escalating in Afghanistan.

Ignoring fierce grassroots resistance in Chicago itself, the Obamas flew to Copenhagen to “persuade” the International Olympic Committee to give the games to the Windy City.

Imagine yourself a member of the Olympic Committee as the almighty President of the United States and his entourage, with the world media in tow, swoops down from Olympus to tell you how to make your decision.

Are we surprised Chicago was summarily bounced?

Imagine yourself an Afghani villager as the almighty President of the United States shoots down from Olympus those murderous drones that kill your family and your neighbors, to be followed by heavily armed troops who — after eight years of brutal slaughter — now want to “help.”

Obama’s decision on Afghanistan will define the rest of his presidency — and the fate of our nation.

He can mimic Lyndon Johnson and senselessly squander American lives and treasure. He will then finish as a slumped, tragic failure (along with the rest of us).

Or he can stop, as few fallen empires have done, and seek a sane, sustainable path away from the madness that is conquest.

Congress is now turning health care reform into a shambles. It is preparing to use climate chaos as an excuse to fund nuclear power plants whose abject failure is epic.

On issue after issue, from the Cuban embargo to gay marriage to civil liberties and so much more, the Administration has caved to the right, as if the people who put them in office no longer exist.

But for the moment, all pales before Afghanistan. If Obama chooses to escalate, he will plunge us into an abyss from which there is no recovery or escape.

There are no excuses. Rarely in our history has there been a more transparent decision.

No matter what our critical issue, we are now compelled to throw all we have into preventing the national suicide that would be escalation in Afghanistan.

Team Obama needs — as the International Olympics Committee has just done — to be continually reminded that the rest of the world is not an American kick ball.

See you on the goal line.

[Harvey Wasserman’s History of the United States is at www.harveywasserman.com, as is Solartopia! Our Green-Powered Earth.]

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Capitalist Health Care : We Live the Result

This is some considerable evidence that the common folk really don’t have much to say about the kind of health care we are going to get. Until we get this kind of activity and big money out of Congress, there will be no democracy.

Richard Jehn / The Rag Blog

A demonstration in Washington against Obama’s healthcare reform plan. Photograph: Rex Features.

Revealed: millions spent by lobby firms fighting Obama health reforms
By Chris McGreal / October 1, 2009

Six lobbyists for every member of Congress as healthcare industry heaps cash on politicians to water down legislation

America’s healthcare industry has spent hundreds of millions of dollars to block the introduction of public medical insurance and stall other reforms promised by Barack Obama. The campaign against the president has been waged in part through substantial donations to key politicians.

Supporters of radical reform of healthcare say legislation emerging from the US Senate reflects the financial power of vested interests ‑ principally insurance companies, pharmaceutical firms and hospitals ‑ that have worked to stop far-reaching changes threatening their profits.

The industry and interest groups have spent $380m (£238m) in recent months influencing healthcare legislation through lobbying, advertising and in direct political contributions to members of Congress. The largest contribution, totalling close to $1.5m, has gone to the chairman of the senate committee drafting the new law.

A former member of Bill Clinton’s cabinet says fears that the industry could throw its money behind the populist rightwing backlash against public insurance have scared the Obama White House into pulling back from the most significant reforms in return for healthcare companies not trying to scupper the entire legislation.

Drug and insurance companies say they are merely seeking to educate politicians and the public. But with industry lobbyists swarming over Capitol Hill ‑ there are six registered healthcare lobbyists for every member of Congress ‑ a partner in the most powerful lobbying firm in Washington acknowledged that healthcare firms’ money “has had a lot of influence” and that it is “morally suspect”.

Reform groups say vast spending, and the threat of a lot more being poured into advertisements against the administration, has helped drug companies ensure there will be no cap on the prices they charge for medicines ‑ one of the ways the White House had hoped to keep down surging healthcare costs.

Insurance companies have done even better as the new legislation will prove a business bonanza. It is not only likely to kill off the threat of public health insurance, which threatened to siphon off customers by offering lower premiums and better coverage, but will force millions more people to take out private medical policies or face prosecution.

“It’s a total victory for the health insurance industry,” said Dr Steffie Woolhander, a GP, professor of medicine at Harvard University and co-founder of Physicians for a National Health Programme (PNHP).

“What the bill has done is use the coercive power of the state to force people to hand their money over to a private entity which is the private insurance industry. That is not what people were promised.”

PNHP blames a political process it says is corrupted by millions of dollars poured into the election campaigns of members of Congress and influencing the discourse about health reform by funding advertising campaigns, supposedly independent studies and patients rights organisations that press the industry’s interests.

A primary target of criticism is Senator Max Baucus, the single largest recipient of health industry political donations and chairman of the finance committee that drafted the legislation criticised by Woolhander.

The committee this week twice voted against including public insurance in the legislation, with Baucus opposing it both times.

Baucus took $1.5m from the health sector for his political fund in the past year. Other members of the committee have received hundreds of thousands of dollars. They include Senator Pat Roberts, who last week tried to stall the bill by arguing that lobbyists needed three days to read it.

Baucus holds dinners for health industry executives at which they pay thousands of dollars each to be at the table, and an annual fly-fishing and golfing weekend in his home state of Montana that lobbyists pay handsomely to attend. They have included John Jonas, who represents healthcare firms for Patton Boggs, widely regarded as the top lobbying firm in Washington. Jonas, who formerly worked on the congressional staff, acknowledges that political contributions are intended to buy influence and says it works.

“It would be very naive to say they’re not influenced. The contributors certainly hope they’re influencing and the recipients probably ultimately are influenced,” he said. “I think it’s a morally suspect practice, and then you have to look at its application to see if it’s morally bankrupt … I think what’s bad about the system is it’s got more and more lax over time.

“When I started in this practice you did not talk issues at a fundraiser. It was impolite. And then with this need for money, the system has got coarser over time so that they go around the room asking what issues you’re interested in, much more of a linkage of dollars to a discussion of the issues now.”

The health industry permeates the process in other ways. At Baucus’s side, drafting much of the wording of the reform, was Liz Fowler, a senate committee counsel whose last position was vice-president of the country’s largest health insurer, Wellpoint, which stands to be a principal beneficiary of the new law.

Health companies and their lobby firms also recruit heavily among congressional staffers as a means of maintaining influence.

Baucus declines to discuss political donations but told Montana’s Missoulian newspaper earlier this year that “no one gets special treatment”.

Robert Reich, the labour secretary in the Clinton administration, says the Obama White House, mindful of how the health industry killed off Clinton’s attempts at reform, has grown so fearful of industry money that it has quietly reached agreement to pull back from price caps and public health insurance.

“The White House made a Faustian bargain with big pharma and big insurance, essentially scuttling both of these profit-squeezing mechanisms in return for these industries’ agreement not to oppose healthcare legislation with platoons of lobbyists and millions of dollars of TV ads.”

The pharmaceutical companies are apparently pleased enough that they are now putting $120m into advertising supporting the emerging legislation.

Jonas described the bill emerging from the Senate as “in realm of what is politically possible”.

“Is the bill overly distorted by money? I don’t think it actually is,” he said. “It’s a good bill in the sense that it’s a net improvement in the system … [but] it’s a bad bill if you think it’s supposed to be a comprehensive solution to the US healthcare problems.”

Source / The Guardian

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Surprising Facts About Who’s Watching What


Fighting Delusion: Attention to Political News
By Joel Hirschhorn / October 2, 2009

You may be surprised, as I was, that a recent poll found that more Americans than ever are paying attention to national political news. But this does not necessarily mean that American democracy is in good shape.

Here are the key summary statistics from the poll: 36 percent follow news about national politics very closely, 42 percent somewhat closely, 16 percent not too closely and just 6 percent not at all. With seemingly little newspaper readership and even relatively low numbers for network news shows, not to mention people being consumer with surviving financially, these numbers are worth attention. Especially surprising is that 6 percent figure for people not following national politics at all. Frankly, it just does not seem compatible with what usually seems like massive disinterest in politics.

Here are some other numbers that merit your consideration: those following politics very closely are just 30 percent for Democrats, compared to 41 percent for Republicans and 37 percent for independents. What’s with Democrats? Are they so happy with the performance of the Democrat controlled Congress and the White House that they do not feel it necessary to following national political news? If so, they may be far more delusional than loyal, especially if Republicans get their act together enough to make major advances in the congressional elections in 2010.

Wait, there are some more fascinating data. For men, 42 percent follow political news very closely, much higher than the 30 percent for women. Are women naturally less interested in politics, or are they just a whole lot busier?

And dig this: Older Americans, 65 and above, have a striking 46 percent following politics very closely, far greater than the 19 percent for those age 18 to 29. Young people probably have more to lose with a lousy political system than older people, but obviously are either more disinterested or cynical.

What about education level? No surprise here. Those with a high school education or less have just 26 percent paying very close attention, compared to 41 percent for college educated.

And for income level, a similar result: those making $75,000 or more yearly have 45 percent paying close attention, compared to just 26 percent for those making less than $30,000.

An awful lot of people that suffer the consequences of political decisions should be paying a lot more attention to political news. If they did, they might vote differently, if they vote at all. If corruption of American politicians by corporate and other special interests is ever to be killed, it will take a lot more Americans caring much more about political events.

Source / SearchWarp.com

Thanks to Joel Hirschhorn / The Rag Blog

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Health Care Reform and our Socialist National Parks

Ken Burns’ “The National Parks: Our Best Idea.” Real health care reform is isn’t such a bad idea, either.

Taking refuge in PBS’ series on our public parks
While the Kabuki dance in Washington continues

By Dr. Stephen R. Keister / The Rag Blog / October 3, 2009

Fatigued and battered by the dishonesty inherent in the health care debate, I gave way to fatigue and disenchantment with the U.S. political establishment and for the past week have been enthralled by the aesthetics and historical narrative of Ken Burns’ PBS series on the public parks in our country. Many of these I have never seen, and will never see firsthand, so I was pleased to have the opportunity to experience the overwhelming beauty and diversity of these magnificent areas of peace and tranquility via PBS.

Throughout I gave thanks to the many folks behind the preservation of these gifts to the nation, like John Muir, Theodore Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harold Ickes, and many many more. While watching this terrific series, I was impressed with this nation’s greatest experiment in socialism, the government at work for the benefit of the people, fiercely opposing those who would commercialize these lands, destroying the beauty, cutting the trees, mining for minerals, obliterating the wildlife, and in essence continuing the American dream of making money at all cost to the environment and the human habitation of the lands.

Unfortunately, the Kabuki dance in Washington continues. The Senate Finance Committee, under the guidance of its chairman, well financed to the tune of nearly three million dollars from the health insurance lobbies, has finally passed a bill which will move along the discussion of “health care” (or, more to the point, “insurance reform”).

Dr. Quentin Young, national coordinator for Physicians for a National Health Program, has noted that the author for the bill for the committee was one Liz Fowler, a former VP at WellPoint, the nation’s largest health insurer. This factunderlines the need to back up, start over, and let Congress reconsider the matter of the single payer Medicare for All alternative which, above all, would eliminate the need for private insurance companies, and most likely save the nation over $400 billion annually, enough to cover the 47 million uninsured.

The public option has become essentially a farce, meaning different things to different people. In its pure form it would be a public insurance company to compete on an even footing with the various insurance companies involved in the health insurance cartel; however, each congressman and senator appears to have a differing view of what the plan might entail, including “triggers,” “cooperatives,” and various modifications that could make the whole concept meaningless.

White House leadership has been intermittent and half-hearted. The President never made a pitch for a true single payer plan, administered by a public insurance company, overseen by a non-political government agency. Instead, according to reliable sourced, the insurance executives have had an open door at the White House, while President Obama has reached a private deal with the pharmaceutical companies to “control prices” over the next ten years.

At no point has the medical profession been a big player in the health care debate despite the fact that a poll shows 73% of physicians approving a change in the present system. I grant that the AMA has been consulted, but I am sure that Mr. Obama is aware that this is smoke and mirrors, that the AMA is a political lobby and not representative of the desires or wishes of the vast majority of American physicians.

We will see if the White House shows any degree of cordiality to the caravan of “Mad as Hell” doctors on their way to Washington from the State of Oregon. We will see if finally the physicians are as welcome at the White House as are the executives of the insurance and pharmaceutical industries.

If there is not a move to single payer, or at least a true public option, we will be left with negotiating with the insurance cartel to revise their current practices — requiring them to take in those with pre-existing illnesses, forbidding disallowance of legitimate claims –- and in return mandating by fiat that all Americans buy insurance with a government subsidy.

This would put the insurance industry in control with a windfall of almost one trillion dollars of public tax money to subsidize reform. Not only that but one can anticipate further collusion and deceit on the part of the industry. Why should they change their modus operandi? One could imagine, for instance, a company agreeing to insure a person with a “pre-existing” condition such as diabetes while, in the fine print, care for diabetic kidney disease, cardiovascular disease associated with diabetes, or diabetic eye disease would be disallowed.

A right of appeal to an overburdened government oversight official would no doubt be available, but one can imagine that this would take months to implement. Yet, this is what the Republicans and Blue Dog Democrats appear to want. I must say that I am pleased and proud of our member of congress in Pennsylvania, a registered Blue Dog, who has courageously come out in support of the public option, and even included Wendell Potter in her town meetings.

Private insurance, as national health insurance, has worked in the Netherlands, and in Switzerland. Jonathan Cohn has an excellent article in the September 29 New Republic, entitled “Going Dutch.” Mr. Cohn points out:

“There is a catch, A big catch. Private insurance in the Netherlands works because it operates more or less like a public utility. The Dutch government regulates industry prices tightly — more tightly than the reforms now moving through Congress propose to do in the United States.”

He continues:

“The new system came on line in 2006 and, so far, the results are encouraging. Everyone picks an insurance carrier once a year, more or less the same way employees of large companies do here in the United States, during annual open enrollment periods. By law, the coverage is generous, no matter which carrier someone chooses, Plans cover all medically necessary services — as defined by the government, in consultation with independent experts and medical societies — and they pay for all but a tiny fraction of the bills. The government provides income-based subsidies, and roughly two-thirds of the population gets some assistance.”

The pending legislation brings to mind George Washington’s remark: “Few men have virtue to withstand the highest bidder.” Such is the current climate in Washington, D.C. These legions of insurance company prostitutes are at their worst when they go about frightening the elderly and uninformed with their Medicare scare mongering.

The New York Times of September 27 pointed this out in an editorial which notes:

“It has been frustrating to watch Republican leaders posture as the vigilant protectors of Medicare against health reforms designated to make the system better and more equitable. This is the same party that in the past tried to pare back Medicare and has repeatedly denounced the kind of single-payer system that is at the heart of Mediicare and its popularity.”

I recently heard a local Rabbi recounting the story of how he and his wife spent a year in Jerusalem 16 years ago. Upon arrival, they purchased government health insurance for the year. The Rabbi’s wife had an accident in which she broke her wrist in five places, sprained her right arm, bruised some ribs, and scratched up her face. She was taken by ambulance to the hospital, seen by five doctors, x-rayed, and a cast was applied to her arm. She had follow-up visits including x-rays and a CT scan. All this was covered by the medical insurance which had been purchased for the year for $322.

In discussing the public unrest, the “tea bag” rallies, the disruptions of congressional town meetings by hate groups, young and old, and the frequently-voiced disdain for “government programs” in general, one wonders why these folks should not be provided with a choice. If indeed they are past age 65 and dislike Medicare and Social Security, let us be reasonable and provide them with the opportunity to opt out of the programs.

If they are under the age of 65 and hateful of government programs let us provide them the right to discontinue payment of their payroll taxes and thereby forego the option at the age of 65 of receiving social security and Medicare. And, as for these folks who totally despise President Obama, let us call to their attention that he agrees with them totally about not prosecuting Bush administration war criminals, is on board with them on not regulating the failed financial institutions of Wall Street, favors the Republican policy of American Empire, agrees that we should continue electronic surveillance of the American public, and has shown no leadership in ending the absurd “war on drugs.”

I would further suggest that all progressives pay homage to Representative Grayson of Florida who has shown the courage and conscience to speak up unequivocally for universal health care and at the same time face down the purveyors of hate and fear. Progressives should also heed Jeff Sharlet’s warnings in his book “The Family.” It seems to me that we are being completely out-maneuvered in Washington by The Fellowship’s Doug Coe and his followers.

I am encouraged by the move for a viable single payer plan within the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania where I live. Bill 1660 is now before the State Legislature and bill 400 before The Senate. The Governor has indicated that he will sign the bill if passed. This bill would decrease dramatically the costs of health care to municipalities, school districts, and employers. Of course, we face the same corporate lobbying that exists at the national level; hence, the test locally must be whether elected officials work for their constituents or for the insurance companies.

This old curmudgeon will by 88 years of age this month. I am very grateful to the United States government for providing me with Medicare and Social Security since my retirement at age 70. There has been no disruption or mismanagement of these “socialistic” programs. I have no complaints with either program, and I’m sure I have put a strain on Medicare with my malignancy and neuropathy.

I am grateful, as well, for my friends from academia that I have become associated with since my wife’s death. Their support can never be fully calculated or rewarded. My new associates at The Rag Blog in Austin have been invaluable in sustaining my morale and encouraging me to revisit the progressive causes of my youth.

Finally, my thanks to my closest support, the widow of a physician contemporary, who is an intellectual and a grand Lady (note the capital “L”), who must put up with my every day ranting and periods of disenchantment with our society, and my disillusionment with the state of medical care since the insurance industry has morphed it from a fine profession into a business.

[Dr. Stephen R. Keister lives in Erie, Pennsylvania. He is a retired physician who is active in health care reform.]

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Afghanistan : Get Out Before It’s Too Late


Learn from history:
Withdraw from Afganistan now

…the United States and its NATO allies [have] slipped deeper and deeper into the Afghanistan quagmire with the same historical ignorance that characterized American lack of awareness of Vietnamese history.

By Harry Targ / The Rag Blog / October 3, 2009

We are approaching a time when critical decisions will be made on Afghanistan; whether the U.S. government will expand the war for years, sucking us into a quagmire of unimaginable proportions, or disengage, increasing the possibility of investing in health care reform, modest responses to the danger of climate change, and jobs and justice for workers.

Forty-five years ago, as President Johnson was signing the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and launching the Great Society programs to lift “the other America” out of poverty he was making apocryphal decisions to send thousands of young men to fight and die in Vietnam (and to kill some three million Vietnamese people).

With growing Vietnamese resistance to the U.S. war effort, the U.S. military turned to massacring villagers, assassinating suspected enemies, and carpet bombing and napalming. The hopes and dreams of a better America were burned to a crisp in the jungles of Vietnam.

As many have written in print and cyberspace, the war in Afghanistan must come to an end. Francis Boyle, an international lawyer and professor, wrote in 2002 that the United States should never have made war on Afghanistan. The tragedy of 9/11 was an act of terrorism, not an act of war launched by Afghanistan.

“An act of war is a military attack by one state against another state. There is so far no evidence produced that the state of Afghanistan, at the time, either attacked the United States or authorized or approved such an attack.”

Nothing ever since justifies the war the United States initiated in Afghanistan in October, 2001.

In the subsequent years, the United States and its NATO allies slipped deeper and deeper into the Afghanistan quagmire with the same historical ignorance that characterized American lack of awareness of Vietnamese history. As Marc Pilisuk, social psychologist, reminds us about Vietnam,

“Fear of admitting we were wrong led to one new tactic after another. With military efforts bogged down in unfriendly jungle areas, we resorted to the use of toxic herbicides and ‘open target area bombing,’ burning villages, torturing peasants for information, propping up a succession of puppet governments… Efforts to ‘win the minds and hearts’ of people were undermined by military violence and a nearly universal wish to get the U.S. troops out of their country.”

Pilisuk then elaborates on the complex history of Afghanistan; which includes defeating invading imperial armies, internal tribal conflicts, U.S. support for those now seen as terrorists in the 1980s war against the pro-Soviet regime in Kabul, and shocking underdevelopment. He compellingly argues that: “Planning to remake Afghanistan in the back offices of the Pentagon is to repeat the neglect of cultural and historical factors in Vietnam.”

What to do now? Tom Hayden initiated a petition campaign in September, 2009, securing signatures of those who demand an end to the war in Afghanistan. In it he proposes an exit strategy that makes sense:

  1. Our government should adopt an exit strategy from Afghanistan based on all-party talks, regional diplomacy, unconditional humanitarian aid, and timelines for the near-term withdrawal of American and NATO combat troops.
  2. The aerial bombardments of Afghan and Pakistan villages, like burning down haystacks to find terrorist needles, should end.
  3. Military spending should be reversed in Afghanistan to focus on food, medicine, shelter, the socio-economic needs of the poor, and the dignity of women and children.

As these scholar/activists correctly state: the United States should never have made war on Afghanistan and the eight year war reflects the same ignorance of the history the U.S. displayed in Vietnam. As the Hayden petition argues, the Obama administration must embark on a diplomatic effort to bring together contending political forces in Afghanistan with the assistance of interested governments in Asia and the Persian Gulf.

The only solution to the war in Afghanistan is the withdrawal of United States troops from that country. Adopting the recommendations of Generals McChrystal and Petraeus for more troops is a blueprint for disaster.

[Harry Tarq is a professor in American Studies who lives in West Lafayette, Indiana. He blogs at Diary of a Heartland Radical, where this article also appears.]

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