Brooke Jarvis : A Tale of Carmaggedon

One of the busiest freeways in California, the 405, stands vacant during “Carmaggedon.” Photo from Getty Images.

A tale of Carmaggedon:
The cyclists who beat an airplane

During Los Angeles’ freeway-free weekend, little went quite as expected.

By Brooke Jarvis / CommonDreams / July 20, 2011

LOS ANGELES — Over the weekend, Los Angeles — perhaps America’s most famously car-choked city — briefly became a modern transportation morality play.

The city closed 10 miles of the 405, a heavily congested freeway that typically handles 500,000 vehicles each day, so it could demolish an overpass bridge. Traffic was predicted to be spectacular. City officials — and, at their request, celebrities — issued dire warnings of a coming “Carmaggedon” — a word that sums up just how thoroughly people expected L.A. to unravel without the freeway.

In response, JetBlue offered a special deal: $4 flights from Burbank to Long Beach. At under 40 miles, it was the shortest flight route the airline had ever offered.

The flights sold out in three hours.

Flying? Across L.A.? A group of cyclists decided to call attention to more sensible transit possibilities by issuing a modern-day John Henry challenge: on their bikes, they would beat the plane to the other side of the city.

And they did. The cyclists, part of a group called Wolfpack Hustle, made the ride in an hour and 35 minutes. Another member of the group drove to the airport, arrived the requisite hour early, waited in the security line, boarded the plane, landed, and took a cab (which apparently got lost) to the finish line — arriving more than an hour after the cyclists, and after a challenger who made the trip by public transit and walking, and another who rollerbladed it.

That’s right: On Sunday, an airplane got its butt kicked by bicycles, metro rail, and a pair of rollerblades.

Of course, the flight was a publicity stunt, not a serious suggestion about city-scale alternatives to car supremacy. The sheer ridiculousness of using an airplane to solve a problem caused by too many cars is pretty obvious, especially during this summer that has so dramatized the dangers of a warming climate. (Cars, of course, are about the least climate-friendly way to get around a city — or they were, in the innocent days before the advent of intracity plane travel.)

And the winner! Wolfpack Hustle on the Tour de Carmageddon. Photo by Waltarrrr via Yfrog / laist.

But the flights did symbolize the conventional wisdom that Los Angeles just can’t function without its current car-centric transportation infrastructure.

In the end, though, Carmaggedon didn’t so much bear out the myth as turn it on its head. Los Angeles residents figured out, at least for the weekend, how to live without the freeway. Some took to bikes and public transit; some simply stayed closer to home. Roads, in fact, were clearer than usual, and both the mayor and The New York Times revised the apocalyptic moniker, calling the weekend more of a “Carmaheaven.”

“It’s like we live in a small town today,” Bel-Air resident Michele Cohn told the Los Angeles Times. “I wish it were like this all the time.”

More than a few in Los Angeles, it seems, were left wondering if it could be — if the congested car city could become a place where people could live closer to their jobs, where most trips could be made on bikes and transit, and where a car-free weekend would be a regular possibility, not a reason for panic.

“Today was perfect,” Wolfpack Hustle wrote on its Twitter feed. “The ride was beautiful and scenic, our race inspired people to rollerskate, to take trains, to walk to the finish. Meanwhile… our politicians and police cowered and bit their nails, telling people to stay home and avoid this beautiful weekend.”

[Brooke Jarvis is web editor for YES! Magazine, a national, nonprofit media organization that fuses powerful ideas with practical actions. This article was first published at Yes! Magazine and was distributed by CommonDreams.]

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Leonardo Boff : Man as ‘Lord and Master’ of Nature

Art by Gorgok / Picable.

Man as ‘lord and master’:
Modernity’s ‘God complex’

By Leonardo Boff / The Rag Blog / July 19, 2011

The present crisis is not just a crisis of the growing scarcity of natural resources and services. It fundamentally is the crisis of a type of civilization that has put the human being as the “lord and master” of Nature (Descartes). In this civilization, nature has neither spirit nor purpose, and therefore, humans can do what they want with her.

According to the founder of the modern paradigm of techno-science, Francis Bacon, the human being must torture Nature until she yields all her secrets. This attitude has devolved into a relationship of aggression, and a true war against a supposedly savage Nature that had to be dominated and “civilized.” Thus also emerged the arrogant projection of the human being as the God who dominates and organizes everything.

We must recognize that Christianity helped to legitimate and reinforce this understanding. Genesis clearly says: “replenish the Earth and subdue it, and have dominion over… every living thing that moveth upon the Earth.” (1,28). It also affirmed that the human being was made in God’s “image and likeness.” (Genesis 1,26).

The biblical sense of this expression is that the human being is God’s deputy, and as God is lord of the universe, humans are the masters of the Earth. Humans enjoy a dignity that is theirs alone: that of being above all other beings. This generated anthropocentrism, one of the causes of the ecological crisis. Finally, strict monotheism suppressed the sacred character of all things and centered it only in God. The world, lacking anything sacred, need not be respected. We can mold it at our pleasure.

The modern civilization of technology has filled everything with its devices, and has been able to penetrate to the heart of the matter, of life and of the universe. Everything comes wrapped in the aura of “progress,” a sort of recuperation of the paradise that was lost some time before, but is now rebuilt and offered to all.

This glorious vision began to crumble in twentieth century with the two world wars and other colonial wars that produced 200 million victims. The greatest terrorist act of history was perpetrated when the U.S. army launched the atomic bombs against Japan, killing thousands of people and destroying Nature. This gave humanity a shock from which it has not yet recovered. With the atomic, biological, and chemical weapons built afterwards, we have come to realize that we do not need to be God to make the Apocalypse a reality.

We are not God and our desire to be such takes us to madness. The idea of man wanting to be “God” has become a nightmare. But man still hides behind the neoliberal tina: “there is no alternative, this world is definitive.” Ridiculous. Let us understand that “knowledge as power” (Bacon) which lacks conscience and limits can destroy us.

What power do we have over Nature? Who can control a tsunami? Who controls the Chilean volcano Puyehe? Who restrains the fury of the flooding in the highland cities of Rio de Janeiro? Who blocks the deadly effect of the atomic particles of uranium, cesium, and of other elements, spewn by the catastrophes of Chernobyl and Fukushima? As Heidegger said in his last Der Spiegel interview: “only a God could save us.”

We have to accept ourselves as simple creatures together with all others in the community of life. We have a common origin: the dust of the Earth. We are not the crown of creation, but a link in the current of life, with a difference, that of being conscious and having the mission to “guard and to care for the garden of Eden” (Genesis 2,15), that is, the mission of maintaining the conditions of sustainability of all the ecosystems that make up the Earth.

If we use the Bible to legitimize domination over the Earth, we must return to the Bible to learn to respect and care for her. The Earth generated all. God ordained: “let the Earth bring forth the living creature after his kind” (Genesis 1,24). She, consequently, is not inert; she is the generator; the Earth is mother. The alliance of God is not only with human beings. After the tsunami of the flood, God redid the alliance “with you and with your seed after you; and with every living creature” (Genesis 9,10). Without them, we are a diminished family.

History shows that the arrogance of “being God,” without ever being able to do so, only brings us tragedy. It should be enough for us to be simple creatures with the mission of caring for and respecting Mother Earth.

Translated into English by Melina Alfaro, Refugio del Rio Grande, Texas.

[A Brazilian theologian, philosopher, educator, and author of more than 60 books, Leonardo Boff lives in Jardim Araras, an ecological wilderness area in the municipality of Petrópolis, Rio de Janeiro. Boff is Professor Emeritus of Ethics, Philosophy of Religion, and Ecology at the State University of Rio de Janeiro. A former Franciscan priest with a doctorate from the University of Munich, Boff was an early advocate of liberation theology. In 1991, after a series of clashes with the Vatican, Boff renounced his activities as a priest and “promoted himself to the state of laity.” See more articles by Leonardo Boff on The Rag Blog.]

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Lamar W. Hankins : Remembering Woody Guthrie in the Age of Obama

Woody Guthrie in 1943. Photo by Al Aumuller / New York World-Telegram and the Sun / Wikimedia Commons.

Remembering Woody Guthrie
in the age of Obama

By Lamar W. Hankins / The Rag Blog / July 19, 2011

Woody Guthrie, the songwriter, musician, social philosopher, and populist extraordinaire, would have turned 99 this past week (July 14) had he lived. He died of Huntington’s disease in 1967. He wrote perhaps thousands of songs, some of which continued to be sung after his death by popular performers, including Pete Seeger, Peter, Paul and Mary, Bruce Springsteen, Bob Dylan, Joan Baez, Tom Paxton, his son Arlo Guthrie, and many others.

Guthrie was born in Okemah, Oklahoma, traveled to California with migrant workers during the dust bowl and then all over the country. He hosted a live radio program in California that was very popular for a few years, but Woody did not take kindly to being told what to do or whom to associate with or what he could say, so that job ended.

In 1941, he was hired by the Department of the Interior to write songs about the Columbia River and the dams being built there in connection with a documentary project. Producing electricity from the flowing waters of the Columbia caught his imagination.

When he saw an item in the newspaper that offended his sense of social justice, he was inclined to write a song about it. That’s how “Plane Wreck at Los Gatos” came to be written. A group of Mexican migrant workers were killed as they were sent back to Mexico after harvesting crops in the western U.S. He lamented how these people were used to put food on the tables of Americans and their deaths weren’t given a second thought. Their names weren’t even reported in the news articles. “All they called them were just deportees.”

You don’t have to agree with everything Woody wrote to appreciate his contribution to American culture. After all, no two people agree on everything, but the strength of his feeling for the American people cannot be denied. That feeling is best found, perhaps, in what has become an anthem of populism — “This Land is Your Land.”

This Land is Your Land
(words and music by Woody Guthrie)

Chorus:
This land is your land, this land is my land
From California, to the New York Island
From the redwood forest, to the gulf stream waters
This land was made for you and me

As I was walking a ribbon of highway
I saw above me an endless skyway
I saw below me a golden valley
This land was made for you and me

(Chorus)

I’ve roamed and rambled and I’ve followed my footsteps
To the sparkling sands of her diamond deserts
And all around me a voice was sounding
This land was made for you and me

(Chorus)

The sun comes shining as I was strolling
The wheat fields waving and the dust clouds rolling
The fog was lifting a voice come chanting
This land was made for you and me

(Chorus)

As I was walkin’ – I saw a sign there
And that sign said – no tress-passin’
But on the other side …. it didn’t say nothin!
Now that side was made for you and me!

(Chorus)

In the squares of the city – In the shadow of the steeple
Near the relief office – I see my people
And some are grumblin’ and some are wonderin’
If this land’s still made for you and me.

(Chorus 2x)

Pete Seeger and Bruce Springsteen perform “This Land Is Your Land” before President Obama’s inauguration. Photo by Justin Sullivan / Getty Images.

In 2008, from everywhere in the country, the spirits of populists and caring people, and those who spent their lives working for social and economic justice for all, were lifted by the election of Barack Obama as president. At a special pre-inaugural gathering, Pete Seeger, Arlo Guthrie, Bruce Springsteen, and others joined in singing all those verses to Woody’s anthem. That’s how high expectations were for Obama among those who favor a more compassionate world.

Such enthusiasm does not exist today. Obama has thrown in with the wealthy, the corporatists, the bankers, the exploiters, the war profiteers, and he seems to have forgotten the millions of average Americans who are without jobs, without the money to pay their mortgages, without hope for a better future.

I know that Obama faces great opposition, assuming that he cares about Woody’s people, but that is no excuse for not using every ounce of his energy and influence for average Americans, rather than the elite. If this land was made for us all, it seems that we should have a government at least as good as its people. I’ve come to wish that at least we had a president that good as well.

[Lamar W. Hankins, a former San Marcos, Texas, city attorney, is also a columnist for the San Marcos Mercury. This article © Freethought San Marcos, Lamar W. Hankins. Read more articles by Lamar W. Hankins on The Rag Blog.]

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Ken Handel : The Port Huron Statement Spoke Truth to Power

The Port Huron Statement. Image from Bibliopolis.

Speaking truth to power

The 1962 Port Huron Statement describes the goals, values, and strategies of Students for a Democratic Society — and continues to inform and inspire.

By Ken Handel / The Rag Blog / July 19, 2011

“My Generation,” released by The Who in 1965, is one of that group’s most popular songs — and a rallying cry for disaffected youth. Three years earlier, in 1962, Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) created “An agenda for a generation,” an action plan for young people seeking broad societal change.

(SDS was the leading organization of the Sixties New Left. At its peak it had more than 100,000 members in 400 chapters around the country.)

The 59 SDS members who assembled in the small Michigan town of Port Huron in June 1962 could not accept a status quo that tolerated the possibility of nuclear annihilation, state-sanctioned racism, and a nation suffering from extensive poverty amidst affluence. Scholar James Miller, in Democracy Is in the Streets, described the Port Huron Statement (PHS) as being “one of the pivotal documents in post-war American history.”

In their own words

In Rebels With A Cause, a film on SDS created in 2000 by Helen Garvy, Port Huron participants reflected upon their experiences. Tom Hayden, the document’s primary author, described “sitting around in small groups talking about your values and how they applied to politics and to economics.” He also spoke of the American tradition of “decentralized democracy, or direct democracy, or town-meeting democracy.”

Sharon Jeffrey identified two key themes the document addressed: “…participatory democracy: this was something that somehow it had a resonance to it… This was really significant because it touched very deeply… sort of like the soul of who we were”; and the importance of values.

On this point, Steve Max commented, “The idea that you make your own values as a group was a new thing. That values weren’t just inherited and weren’t just transmitted from the older generation but that people could actually sit down and work out an ethical framework, as an organization…”

Political and cultural influences

In the first paragraph of the Port Huron Statement, SDS members acknowledged their privileged status: they were “bred in at least modest comfort, housed now in universities…” But in what Hayden has termed “a manifesto of hope,” the 41-page document envisioned an end to racism, a transformation of democracy, a reconception of the economy, and a conclusion to the cold war.

In his book, The Long Sixties: From 1960 to Barack Obama, Hayden noted the influences that contributed to the document’s explicit idealism.

Port Huron participants had witnessed the independence of many African nations, and Cuba’s successful revolution. They abhorred South Africa’s policy of apartheid and its violent repression of the African National Congress. They allied themselves with other students fighting racism in the U.S. — and in particular, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). They had read inspiring books, seen influential films, and rocked around the clock. Port Huron, Hayden says, “was a spontaneous beginning, but one informed by legacy.”

Does Port Huron still resonate?

June 2012 represents the Port Huron Statement’s golden anniversary. And the alienation and apathy SDS sought to counter nearly 50 years ago is even more prevalent today: only six percent of a Harris Poll expressed confidence in Congress. In the 2010 mid-term election, 59.1 percent of registered voters chose to withhold their ballots.

To counteract hopelessness, the document offered a new definition of individual rights and of the role a person plays in the political system:

Participatory Democracy: “…we seek the establishment of a democracy of individual participation, governed by two central aims: that the individual share in those social decisions determining the quality and direction of his life; that society be organized to encourage independence in men and provide the media for their common participation.”

Values: “Men have unrealized potential for self-cultivation, self-direction, self-understanding, and creativity. It is this potential that we regard as crucial and to which we appeal, not to the human potentiality for violence, unreason, and submission to authority. The goal of man and society should be human independence: a concern not with image of popularity but with finding a meaning in life that is personally authentic…”

SDS succumbed to factionalism and dissolved in 1969. But the Port Huron Statement is the group’s living legacy. Just as “My Generation” continues to win new fans, so too can the Port Huron Statement assist today’s citizens in fulfilling their aspirations and in making government more responsive.

Monte Wasch offers a unique perspective on the PHS. As a 20 year-old City College student he attended the Port Huron gathering. When he returned to New York, Tom and Casey Hayden temporarily moved into his apartment. There, Hayden worked on final PHS edits, which Wasch typed up.

“I remember,” he comments, “a summer of optimism and challenge. Optimism because we all felt we were on the cusp of something exceptional and unique in the history of American progressivism. The challenge was — as a new generation with a progressive, reform set of values — to leave behind the narrow sectarian battles that had long characterized the Left. The PHS prescribed a new model for social change and non-sectarian progressive action by developing a new model for social change: participatory democracy.

[Ken Handel is a freelance writer and editor. This article was also posted to Suite101.]

Sources

Students for a Democratic Society
Port Huron Statement, SDS Documents
Democracy Is In the Streets: From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago by James Miller (Simon and Schuster, 1987.) “Pivotal Document”: Page 13; “manifesto of hope”: Page 77
Rebels With A Cause, a documentary film written, produced, and directed by Helen Garvy, 2000.
The Long Sixties: From 1960 to Barack Obama by Tom Hayden. (Paradigm Publishers. 2009). SDS influences: Page 21-23

Poll Citations:

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BOOKS / Rick Ayers : Marable’s Malcolm Bio Hits and Misses

Malcolm X in 1964. Photo by Marion S. Trikosko for U.S. News & World Report / Wikimedia Commons.

Malcolm X and the right of resistance:
Dr. Marable’s book fills in gaps
but misses on Malcolm’s core vision

By Rick Ayers / The Rag Blog / July 18, 2011

Malcolm X was a towering figure of the 20th century, connecting the wave of Third World revolutions sweeping the globe with the Black Liberation Movement inside the U.S. While the powerful seek to domesticate the man and tame his legacy — a narrow self-help guide or high school lesson on pulling oneself up by the bootstraps — his deeper contribution to the central liberating struggles of our time continues to resonate.

Malcolm X’s life and work was forged in the furnace of a specific historic moment: the old-style colonies were breaking up after the two devastating world wars; India won its independence; China overthrew a pro-western regime; revolutionary battles threw the French out of Algeria and Vietnam; Cuban guerrillas evicted the U.S.-supported dictator Batista.

Vijay Prashad’s powerful analysis of the period, The Darker Nations, documents the rise of the Non-Aligned Nations movement and the creation of the term “Third World” to describe the former colonial and neocolonial regions which wanted to be in neither the Soviet nor the U.S. camps — they wanted independence, freedom from nuclear threat, democratization of the United Nations, and their own locally-grown participatory democracies.

During this same time, the long struggle of African Americans against white supremacy and for basic Constitutional rights and fundamental recognition of their humanity was taking a more militant turn. Malcolm X, first from within the Nation of Islam and later from his own organization, pushed to redefine the terms of the movement — from a petition seeking a way into the U.S. mainstream to a liberation struggle demanding independent power and transformation of the political economy.

Today we forget how far ahead of the wave Malcolm X was, how he created the wave. This is what made him so dangerous to those in power, what drew the attention of the FBI as well as the CIA and various military intelligence agencies.

So many touchstone principles that would soon propel the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the Black Panther Party, and dozens of other organizations and movements, were first given clear articulation in the early 60’s by Malcolm X. These included:

  • Black pride and “Black is beautiful.”
  • The move from a petition for rights to a demand for power.
  • The change from seeing African Americans as a minority to recognizing them as part of a majority, the Third World majority, on a global scale.
  • The identification of the conditions of African Americans as one of domestic colonialism as well as racial and ethnic discrimination.
  • The questioning of the use of nonviolence as the primary tactic for black liberation, encapsulated in the phrases “The ballot or the bullet” and “By any means necessary.”
  • The recognition that white people could be and often were a hindrance to the fullest development of Black leadership and the African-American struggle in the South.
  • The demand that white people work against racism in their own communities and build solidarity with the Black Liberation Struggle.
  • The critique of the Black petty bourgeoisie, which seemed to be making it in America and leaving behind poor and working class African-American communities.

The list goes on and on. While he did not invent or own each of these principles, Malcolm X was the most clear, consistent, and successful popularizer of these views. African-American insights, critique, and inventions have always been major drivers in politics and culture in the U.S. — whether it has been in music, theater, comedy, and literature, or in a the political struggles to enact democracy through elections, economic structures, or education.

The reverberations of Malcolm X’s leadership were felt everywhere, even penetrating the consciousness of this white liberal college student first getting involved and trying hard to understand the world.

I remember being in New York in the summer of 1966, a year after the assassination of Malcolm X. I lived with Charles, an old friend from prep school. We were exploring the city, taking classes, marveling at the explosion of arts, and following the various vibrant political battles everywhere.

In mid-June the front page of The New York Times featured a story on the “March against Fear” in Mississippi which SNCC had mobilized after James Meredith was shot at the beginning of his solo protest against the segregated university. Stokely Carmichael and Willie Ricks dropped a bombshell on the first evening rally, calling for something new to the Civil Rights Movement: Black Power! The marchers had responded with enthusiasm and Black Power became the chant punctuating the march and the Movement itself in that fateful summer.

Black Power had a resonance and meaning that was unmistakable, and it was not about “personal empowerment” or psychological states. It was an enunciation of the anti-colonial struggle of African Americans, a call for political power — by any means necessary. Everything Black activists said afterwards to elaborate and explain the idea was important but the phrase was clear and people knew what it meant. It was Malcolm X’s vision, come to life in the battles of the deep South.

My friend Charles and I diverged right then. He thought the Black Power turn was a disaster: it was reverse racism; it was going to isolate the movement. But I had already been drawn to Che and the Cuban revolution, to James Baldwin’s The Fire Next Time, and to the Freedom Democratic Party and Fannie Lou Hamer’s articulation of the struggle in 1964.

Many white activists agonized about what it would mean; some who risked their lives for the struggle for justice were hurt when they were asked to leave the South and organize against racism in their own communities. But most got it, had even seen the truth of this analysis in the streets and the meetings. They were pleased, delighted, inspired by the powerful turn that the movement was taking.

Of course, the involvement of us white college kids was a matter of choice but also of privilege. It mainly consisted of reading and discussing. The challenge of the mid-1960’s however plunged us into action. We were no longer just watching a movement; we started building a movement. We were pushed to drop our beneficent and patronizing charity ideas, to think in terms of solidarity.

We began to fight as part of a strategy that recognized the leadership of the Black Liberation Movement and Vietnamese resistance, and the profound transformation of relationships around the world. Did the revolution of the late 60’s and 70’s win? No it did not. But the world would be a much better place if it had.

Dr. Manning Marable’s new biography, Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention, does much to fill in and correct the historical record. Most agree that Malcolm X’s autobiography, written with Alex Haley, is a powerful organizing document but leaves much out.

Marable offers many beautiful and satisfying moments: the background on Malcolm X’s family and upbringing, the story of the Garvey movement (the United Negro Improvement Association — UNIA) and its strength throughout the U.S. in the teens and 20’s, the descriptions of Malcolm X’s trips to Africa and the Middle East which are much more detailed and impressive than earlier accounts, and the explication of the Muslim Mosque Inc. and the Organization of Afro-American Unity.

But on the fundamental significance of Malcolm X, on his core vision and contribution, Dr. Marable gets it wrong. In the midst of his detailed research, he swipes at the philosophy of Black Nationalism and anti-colonial internationalism. In describing Malcolm X’s historic 1960 debate with civil rights leader Bayard Rustin, he asserts that Rustin won hands down because he proved the “practical impossibility” of setting up a Black state, exposing the “essential weakness” of the nationalist line.

It is one thing to be opposed to Black Nationalism, but to suggest that it is simply an illusory idea with no possible way of being pursued is to mislead. The long history of the struggle for Black Power goes back to Martin Delaney before the Civil War, through the UNIA of Marcus Garvey; it is seen in the work of W.E.B. DuBois and Carter G. Woodson in education; and even in the position of the Communist Party in the 20’s and 30’s which defined a Black nation in the South; the Négritude movement from the Caribbean and Harlem was part of this movement; and it includes many organizations in the 60’s and later, such as the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) after they embraced Black Power, the Revolutionary Action Movement, the All African Peoples Revolutionary Party, the African People’s Socialist Party, the Republic of New Afrika, the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, the Black Panther Party, DRUM, The Deacons for Defense and Justice, the Black Arts Movement, and the explosion of Black Student Unions.

These movements had all kinds of proposals: some for territorial zones inside the U.S., some for reuniting with Africa, and some for independent political identity within an extended presence throughout the U.S. Malcolm X was neither confused nor stumped when confronted with anti-nationalist arguments. His was an internationalist, anti-colonial vision and politics. There is no one else in the U.S. during this historical period who articulated and advanced this insight so powerfully.

Professor Marable argues that reform was possible in the U.S. and that this fact undermined Malcolm X’s position, suggesting that “perhaps blacks could some day become empowered within the existing system.” In order to show that change can come without overthrowing the system, he cites Nixon’s introduction of affirmative action laws.

A look at the condition of African-American people today in relation to educational opportunities and meaningful schools suggests that Malcolm X’s side of the argument was closer to the truth. Marable rejects Malcolm X’s criticism of middle class Black leaders who had supported the election of Lyndon B. Johnson for president. “It apparently did not occur to (Malcolm X),” he asserts, “that great social change usually occurs through small transformations in individual behavior.”

I’m sure it occurred to him but he was part of a much more radical critique, a more far-reaching call for transformation of social relations.

Dr. Marable declares that “‘black nationalism’ was highly problematic in a global context, because it excluded too many ‘true revolutionaries.’” But it’s not problematic at all, any more than Cuban nationalism, Latin American solidarity, Pan-Africanism, Vietnamese nationalism, or anything else that was shaking the world precluded relations between Third World movements.

As in all anti-colonial struggles, Malcolm X asserted the right of resistance and even the importance of African Americans arming themselves. Marable declares that such comments “alienated white and black alike.” But in reality, this is part of what made him so wildly popular.

When Malcolm X says that African Americans should vote but not for Republicans and Democrats, Dr. Marable claims that he “was promoting electoralism but in practical terms gave blacks no effective means to exercise their power. Who were they supposed to vote for if no one on the ballot could bring any real relief?”

The answer is clear: Malcolm X advocated independent political action. That was the only place he believed African Americans could get relief.

The art of writing a political biography is tricky. Two examples that stand out as excellent are Barbara Ransby’s Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision, and Henry Mayer’s All on Fire: William Lloyd Garrison and the Abolition of Slavery.

Each of these does something very important: they situate the focal lives within the movements that produced them and the movements they built. They explicate the positions of the protagonists and appreciate the evolution of their positions — including the debates, experiences, and commitments that made them. And they don’t put themselves in the position of debating with the person they are profiling.

While Manning Marable has made a great contribution with this biography, in some respects he misses the central significance of Malcolm X. The speeches of Malcolm X are available everywhere and should accompany this book, for they animate, explain and consolidate so many experiences and feelings that were boiling beneath the surface at the time.

Malcolm X understood and pursued the implications of the earth-shaking revolutions going on and his words continue to capture the radical imagination of freedom lovers around the world today precisely because he stood for international solidarity and a restructuring of power. It is a vision that still inspires.

[Rick Ayers was co-founder of and lead teacher at the Communication Arts and Sciences small school at Berkeley High School, and is currently Adjunct Professor in Teacher Education at the University of San Francisco. He is author, with his brother William Ayers, of Teaching the Taboo: Courage and Imagination in the Classroom, published by Teachers College Press. He can be reached at rayers@berkeley.edu. He blogs at Rick Ayers, where this article was also posted. Read more articles by Rick Ayers on The Rag Blog and listen to Thorne Dreyer’s Interview with Rick Ayers and Bill Ayers on Rag Radio.]

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BOOKS / Harry Targ : Remembering Malcolm and Manning

Image of Malcolm X, above, from The Daily Grind. Manning Marable from NewsOne.

Remembering Malcolm and Manning

Telling Malcolm X’s story was Marable’s way of advocating for fundamental social change in a deeply troubled world.

By Harry Targ / The Rag Blog / July 18, 2011

And finally, I am deeply grateful to the real Malcolm X, the man behind the myth, who courageously challenged and transformed himself, seeking to achieve a vision of a world without racism. Without erasing his mistakes and contradictions, Malcolm embodies a definitive yardstick by which all other Americans who aspire to a mantle of leadership should be measured. — Manning Marable, Malcolm X, A Life of Reinvention, 2011, 493

Professor Manning Marable was a member of the Political Science and Sociology Departments at Purdue University during the 1986-87 academic year. His scholarship, activism, and ground-breaking books and articles inspired faculty and students even though his stay at our university was brief. His classic theoretical work, “How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America,” along with over 20 books and hundreds of articles, inspired social science scholarship on class, race, and gender.

His weekly essays, “Along the Color Line,” were published in over 250 community newspapers and magazines for years. He once told me that writing for concerned citizens about public issues was the most rewarding work he ever did. He was a role model for all young, concerned and committed scholar/activists. — Harry Targ, Purdue University Black Cultural Center Newsletter, April, 2011

I just finished reading the powerful biography of Malcolm X authored by Manning Marable. My encounter with this book was as fixating and transforming as I remember was my reading of Malcolm’s autobiography in the 1960s.

While I lack the deep sense of Malcolm X’s impact on African American politics and cultural identity that others have, I feel compelled to write something about this reading experience. (Bill Fletcher’s review and analysis of the Marable biography provides much expertise on the subject. “Manning Marable and the Malcolm X Biography Controversy: A Response to Critics,” from The Black Commentator, July 7, 2011.)

During my first year at Purdue University in north central Indiana in 1968, I requested to teach a course called “Contemporary Political Problems.” Since I was on the cusp of becoming a political activist in belated response to the civil rights and anti-war movements, I thought I could use this course to have an extended conversation with students about where we needed to be going intellectually and politically.

My plan was to assign a series of books that reflected different left currents, politically and culturally, and get us all to reflect on their value for understanding 1968 America and what to do about it. We read Abbie Hoffman, Ken Kesey, Herbert Marcuse, the Port Huron and Weatherman statements, and The Autobiography of Malcolm X.

While my students and I embraced, endorsed, or rejected various of these authors, we were profoundly impacted by the power of Malcolm X’s personal biography and transformations from the streets to the international arena. As the word got out about the course, and largely because of Malcolm X, sectors of the Purdue campus got the word that there was a new “radical” in the political science department. Therefore, I owe my growing enrollments to Malcolm X.

More important, during the second semester in which I taught the course, I had a very quiet and respectful African American student in the class. He was a member of Purdue’s track team. One day, after he showed up at the local airport sporting a very thin, almost invisible, mustache the track coach ordered him off the plane. Why? Because he had unauthorized facial hair. His modest symbolic act, growing the mustache, set off extended protest activities over several weeks.

Shortly before this incident, we had spent a couple of weeks in class discussing Malcolm X’s autobiography. During one class period this very quiet person announced to the rest of us that we should consider ourselves lucky that he chose to participate in this class.

I saw him 40 years later for a fleeting moment. He remembered me and said that he had read Malcolm X’s autobiography for the first time in my class. The student’s emerging boldness and his articulated sense of pride must have had something to do with his reading of Malcolm X.

Reflecting on the Marable biography, I was struck by the capacity of people to change their ways of thinking, their ideologies, and their practice. Marable attributes some of Malcolm X’s development to his conscious desire to reinvent himself and to do so as he told his life story to Alex Haley, his autobiographical collaborator.

Despite the world of racism, repression, and theological rigidity Malcolm experienced, Marable records how Malcolm X’s experience and practical political work were in fact transforming.

Different people gleaned different things from reading Malcolm X’s autobiography, and the same is true of a reading of Manning Marable’s stirring and frank biography. While those of us on the left were most inspired by the last two years of Malcolm X’s life, my student was probably impacted as much by Malcolm’s developing sense of pride and self-worth in a society that demeaned and ridiculed people of color

Reading Malcolm and Marable reminds us that, while we bring change through our organizational affiliations, each individual can have a role to play in achieving that change. Not all of us can be Malcolm X, Che Guevara, Dolores Huerta, or Mother Jones. But we can make a difference.

In addition, Manning Marable makes a particularly strong case for Malcolm X as an internationalist. The United Nations had adopted a Declaration on Human Rights in 1948 but human rights discourse was not part of the language of international relations until Malcolm X demanded the international community address the issue.

For Malcolm X, United States racism, while violating the civil rights of its Black and Brown citizens, was also violating the fundamental human rights of peoples at home and abroad. At the time of his assassination, Malcolm X was working to build a coalition of largely former colonial states to demand that each and every country, and particularly the United States, respect the human rights of all peoples. Multiple problems including racism, poverty, disease, hunger, political repression, and sexual abuse were problems at the root of twentieth century human circumstance AND the United States was a major violator of human rights.

Marable describes in great detail Malcolm X’s frenetic travels through Africa and the Middle East to build a coalition of Black and Brown peoples to demand in the United Nations and every other political forum the establishment of human rights. Bombing Vietnamese people and killing Black children in Birmingham were part of the same problem.

And, this campaign was being launched at the very same time that the countries of the Global South were struggling to construct a non-aligned movement to retake the resources, wealth, and human dignity that had been stripped from peoples by colonialism, neocolonialism, and imperialism. This was the position that Dr. Martin Luther King came to in 1967, as articulated in his famous speech at Riverside Church in New York. Malcolm X was introducing this global human rights project in 1964.

Marable’s Malcolm X therefore transformed himself from a minor street hustler, to a Black Muslim, to a visible world leader advocating a global human rights agenda. This is the Malcolm X that has meant so much to us over the years, along with his insistence that Black and Brown people be accorded respect everywhere and that they should honor and respect themselves.

But, Marable carefully documents Malcolm X’s flaws as well as his strengths. He was anti-Semitic, misogynistic, not unsympathetic to violence, and a man engaged in intense, some times petty, political struggles with his organizational colleagues.

Manning Marable humanizes Malcolm X. Humanizing our heroes makes our efforts to pass the messages and symbols of the past to newer generations of activists more convincing. Young people do not need to see progressive heroes as untainted by their own humanity. And when we present those who make a contribution to building a better world to new generations, the examples of their flaws make it clear that no one is beyond personal and political redemption.

Finally, the biographer, Manning Marable, as my statement at the outset suggests, was a profoundly important scholar/activist. Marable used his historical knowledge, social scientific analytical skills, and political values to craft a career of writing and activism that impacted his students, his academic colleagues, and his fellow socialists in the struggle for a better world.

Telling Malcolm X’s story was Marable’s way of advocating for fundamental social change in a deeply troubled world.

[Harry Targ is a professor of political science at Purdue University who lives in West Lafayette, Indiana. He blogs at Diary of a Heartland Radical — and that’s also the name of his new book which can be found at Lulu.com. Read more of Harry Targ’s articles on The Rag Blog.]

Also see:

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Robert Jensen : The Power and Limits of Social Movements

Image from The Democracy Center.

The power — and limits — of social movements

Dissidents not only have to be willing to tell the truth about the delusions of the dominant culture, but make sure we don’t fall into delusions of our own.

By Robert Jensen / The Rag Blog / July 14, 2011

Listen to Thorne Dreyer’s July 8, 2011 interview with Robert Jensen on Rag Radio, and watch Jeff Zavala’s video of the show, posted on The Rag Blog.

[A version of this essay was presented in a talk to the Houston Peace and Justice Center conference on July 9, 2011.]

In mainstream politics in the United States, everyone agrees on one thing: We’re number one. We’re special. We’re America. We’re on top, where we deserve to be.

In dissident politics in the United States, we have long argued that this quest for economic and military dominance can’t be squared with basic moral and political principles. We’re on top, but it’s unjust and unsustainable.

Whether or not the United States has ever had a legitimate claim to that top spot — or whether there should be spots on top for any nation(s) — the days of uncontested dominance are over: Our economy is in permanent decline and our military power continues to fade. We are still the wealthiest society in history, but we are no longer the dynamic heart of the global economy. Our military is still able to destroy at will, but the wars of the past decade have demonstrated the limits of that barbarism.

How should the U.S. public react to this shift? One approach would be to acknowledge that predatory corporate capitalism based on greed and First World imperialism based on violence have produced obscene levels of inequality, both within societies and between societies, that are inconsistent with those basic moral and political principles. Our task is to reshape systems and institutions before it’s too late.

That kind of critical self-reflection also leads to the conclusion that our society not only fails on the criterion of social justice but also is ecologically unsustainable. We are a profligate, consumption-mad society, in a world in which unsustainable living arrangements are the norm in the developed world and spreading quickly in the developing world.

We can’t predict the time frame for collapse if we continue on this trajectory, but we can be reasonably certain that without major changes in our relationship to the larger living world the ecosphere will at some point (likely within decades) be unable to support large-scale human life as we know it.

These crises, if honestly acknowledged and squarely faced, would test our capacity to analyze and adapt — there’s no guarantee that enough time remains to prevent catastrophe. Without such honesty, there is no hope of a decent future.

So, the bad news is that we’re in trouble.

The worse news is that the mainstream political culture cannot face this reality.

Dissident political organizing must take into account the fact that contemporary America is deeply delusional. Our collective life is shaped by a propaganda-driven political system that ignores and evades. Political leaders — from the reactionary right of the Republican Party to the liberal left of the Democratic Party — are not interested in creating new systems to face these challenges but instead are mired in trivial debates about how to duct-tape together the existing social, economic, and political systems to allow us to live in our delusions a bit longer.

In addition to critiquing the delusions of the dominant culture, we dissidents have to make sure we don’t absorb those same delusions. We have to be honest not only about the promise of social movements but their limits.

My fear is that many — maybe even most — people who identify with progressive/left/radical politics are in denial about the depth of the crises and, therefore, prone to misjudge the potential of traditional social movements. Those of us who define ourselves by our commitment to social justice and ecological sustainability — those who want to make the world a better place — have to be careful to avoid delusions of our own. Here’s how this often plays out:

A dissident speaker offers a critique of some aspect of the dominant culture’s political, economic, or social systems. The task of taking on those systems seems overwhelming, and someone in the audience asks, “Is there any hope that we can change things?” The speaker acknowledges the difficulty of the task, but points out that social movements in the past have faced great challenges, lost many battles along the way, and persevered to make the world a better place.

In the United States, the speaker often cites the civil rights movement as an example: Courageous people organizing over centuries to challenge the deeply entrenched white supremacy that defined the country, ending first slavery and then formal American apartheid. The speaker reminds the audience that the work of popular movements remains incomplete and that we owe it to generations past and future — and to ourselves — to press on.

I’m familiar with that exchange because I’ve both been in those audiences and also been the speaker offering that analysis. It’s an honest response — historically accurate and morally defensible — but these days I’m less comfortable with that stock answer. Yes, we must remember the promise of social movements, inspired by past successes. But we also need to be clear about their limits in the present and future.

Let’s push the example of the civil rights movement a bit:

When Martin Luther King, Jr. stood on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in the 1963 March on Washington, he spoke of “a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.” He argued that “the architects of our republic” had signed “a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir,” which guaranteed “the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”

For black Americans, that note “has come back marked insufficient funds,” King said. “We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check — a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.”

In 1963, King was speaking in a world that promised endless bounty, and his claim was that black people had a right to their fair share of that bounty; the metaphor of checks and banks was not only metaphorical. He spoke of political liberty, but the assumption was that with the “riches of freedom” would come, if not actual riches, certainly a more equitable share of the country’s wealth.

White America didn’t particularly like letting black — or indigenous, Latino, Asian — people into the winner’s circle, but once it became impossible to maintain apartheid-by-law, white folks gave a bit of ground. White society grudgingly gave that ground in the middle of a post-World War II boom that promised endless expansion. The fight for racial justice took place on a relatively stable platform of U.S. global political power and economic growth.

The same context applies to other social movements of that period fighting for workers’ rights, women’s rights, lesbian/gay rights, ecological awareness. Moving into the 1990s, it also applies to the global justice movement that focused on the economic imperialism of the First World, and even to the anti-war movement of the early 2000s.

There were, of course, ups and downs in these decades. The U.S. debacle in Southeast Asia led to doubts about U.S. power and methods, but those were washed away by the demise of the Soviet Union and the American “victory” in the Cold War at the end of the 1980s.

There were economic recessions, but they didn’t disturb a widely shared belief that the economy, over the long haul, would grow indefinitely. There was a brief period of concern in the 1970s about environmental limits, but when predictions of short-term disaster proved imprecise, most people quit worrying.

Most of the dissident political analysis and organizing of the past half century also has gone forward with an assumption of economic growth and ecological stability. The goal of much of this organizing was to make that stable, growing world a fairer place with a more just distribution of power and resources. I believe that even many of those fighting against U.S. domination of the world expected — and wanted — to live in a world in which the United States remained if not central and obscenely wealthy, at least important and comfortable.

The old future? Art by A.C. Radebaugh / x-ray delta one / Flickr.

To borrow a phrase from songwriter John Gorka, that is the old future, and the old future’s gone — dead and gone, never to return. While the dominant culture may indulge its delusions of endless bounty, that’s not how the cards are falling. What does that mean for political dissidents? With so many variables and contingencies, any attempt at specific prediction can’t be taken seriously. But we have to do our best to anticipate what is coming so that we can organize as effectively as possible.

The key shift: We will be organizing in a period of contraction, not expansion. There will be less of a lot of things we have come to take for granted (energy and natural resources) and more of other things we’ve been hiding under the rug for a long time (toxic residue and environmental disruption).

That less/more reality in the physical world will no doubt have an effect on our political/economic/social worlds. It may well be that the liberal tolerance that has been hard-won by subordinated groups will evaporate rather quickly with intensified competition to acquire energy resources and avoid toxic disruptions. A willingness to share power and wealth during times of abundance doesn’t automatically endure in times of scarcity. Scapegoating, a time-honored tactic, is especially useful during hard times.

My concerns about this are exacerbated by two trends in contemporary society: a diminished capacity for empathy and a dwindling connection to the natural world.

On empathy: Capitalism defines human beings as primarily greedy, self-interested animals designed to maximize their own position, especially in the acquisition of material goods and status. That instinct obviously is part of our nature, but — just as obviously — that is not all there is to human nature; given the long evolutionary history of humans in band-level societies defined by solidarity and cooperation, we should assume the greedy instincts probably are not primary.

Yet in capitalism that sociopathic instinct is rewarded and reinforced. With each generation that lives in such a system, our capacity for empathy is undermined. This is not an argument against individuality or for complete subordination to the collective, but merely recognition of one of the ugliest aspects of capitalism — the belief that we can ignore the fate of others and still make a decent world.

On nature: In a high-energy/high-technology society that is increasingly mass-mediated, with each generation we grow more alienated from the larger living world. Just as capitalism undermines our connections to each other, industrial society undermines our connections to other species and the ecosystems on which we depend. The industrial world is a dead world, and our immersion in that world makes it harder for us to see what is dying.

This is not an argument against all technology or human’s use of our creative capacity to change our environment, but merely recognition of one of the scariest aspects of modernity — the belief that we can ignore the living world and still live in the world.

There is nothing terribly new in these warnings. Let’s go back to the civil rights movement and another of King’s memorable speeches,”Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence,” delivered on April 4, 1967, at Riverside Church in New York City. In his critique of the U.S. attack on Vietnam and the larger forces behind that attack, King said:

I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. We must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.

Ask yourself, where do we stand on the struggle to move from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society? What about our obsession with machines and computers? The culture’s worship of profit motives and property rights? How much progress have the past four decades of progress brought?

None of this is a call to abandon organizing or sink into the paralysis of despair. It’s simply a suggestion that we deal with reality. Is the sky falling? Of course not, because the sky doesn’t fall — that’s the wrong metaphor. Better to ask, is the sky darkening?

What is my program for organizing in a world beneath a darkened sky? I have no program, only some observations and tentative conclusions, maybe nothing more than gut instincts.

First, we should focus on creating more actual physical spaces and real human networks based on progressive/left/radical values, putting as much energy as needed to anchor and solidify them, even if it takes time away from issue-oriented campaigns. As we work on specific policy issues, let’s organize with an eye toward building not coalitions but communities. In hard times, coalitions evaporate, but communities have a shot at surviving.

Second, whatever projects we pursue, there should be a component that connects people to the non-human world and includes physical work in that world. We need not disconnect completely from our abstract analytical work and computers, but every project should give us a chance to do physical work with others, outdoors as much as possible.

Those first two instincts have led me to redirect a considerable amount of my time, energy, and money to a progressive community center we are building in Austin, Texas, called 5604 Manor. There is important and exciting organizing and advocacy work going on there, but just as important is the community-building activity as we renovate the building, clean up the back yard, plant gardens, and get to know each other across lines of age, race, and language.

These instincts are captured in the first stanza of William Stafford’s poem, “A Ritual to Read to Each Other”:

If you don’t know the kind of person I am
and I don’t know the kind of person you are
a pattern that others made may prevail in the world
and following the wrong god home we may miss our star.

My third instinct may seem obvious: We need to tell all the truths that we know and feel. My sense is that this is our most difficult task, to speak honestly of the darkening sky. In the dominant culture, such talk is most often ignored — people either refuse to listen, laugh it off, or deride it as defeatist. Even in dissident circles, attempts to discuss these subjects bluntly often lead people to disengage or demand that I only speak in a positive manner.

But every day there are more people — though still a small minority — who want to face what is coming, even though such a reckoning deepens our grief. Our task is to speak aloud what others may feel but may be afraid to voice. Perhaps the most radical act today is to speak the truth about a darkening sky and remain committed to organizing, knowing there is no guarantee we can endure, let alone prevail.

This spirit is captured in the last stanza of Stafford’s poem:

For it is important that awake people be awake,
or a breaking line may discourage them back to sleep;
the signals we give — yes, no, or maybe —
should be clear: the darkness around us is deep.

The potential power of social movements at this moment in history flows from this commitment to speaking the truth — not truth to power, which is too invested in its delusions to listen — but truth to each other.

[Robert Jensen is a journalism professor at the University of Texas at Austin and board member of the Third Coast Activist Resource Center in Austin. He is the author of All My Bones Shake: Seeking a Progressive Path to the Prophetic Voice, (Soft Skull Press, 2009) and Getting Off: Pornography and the End of Masculinity (South End Press, 2007); Jensen is also co-producer of the documentary film Abe Osheroff: One Foot in the Grave, the Other Still Dancing, which chronicles the life and philosophy of the longtime radical activist. Robert Jensen can be reached at rjensen@uts.cc.utexas.edu. Read more articles by Robert Jensen on The Rag Blog.]

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VIDEO / Jeff Zavala and Thorne Dreyer : Educator and Activist Robert Jensen on Rag Radio

Educator, author, and activist Robert Jensen on Rag Radio

Video by Jeff Zavala | Interview by Thorne Dreyer | The Rag Blog | July 14, 2011

Robert Jensen — University of Texas journalism professor, widely-published author, Austin-based political activist, and leading radical thinker — was Thorne Dreyer’s guest on Rag Radio, Friday, July 8, 2011. And Austin documentary videographer Jeff Zavala produced a video of the interesting and enlightening interview. (Watch it above.) On the show, Jensen discusses his recent essay, “The Anguish in the American Dream,” posted on The Rag Blog, as well as the current ecological crisis and the key role he believes it must play in our political thinking.

Robert Jensen teaches courses in media law, ethics, and politics. He is also a board member of the Third Coast Activist Resource Center. Prior to his academic career, he worked as a professional journalist for a decade. His most recent books are All My Bones Shake: Seeking a Progressive Path to the Prophetic Voice; Getting Off: Pornography and the End of Masculinity; and The Heart of Whiteness: Confronting Race, Racism and White Privilege. Jensen also writes for popular media, both alternative and mainstream.

Jeff Zavala also produced an exciting video of Dreyer’s June 24, 2011 interview with Texas shrimper, environmental activist, and “Eco-Outlaw” Diane Wilson. Zavala is the creator of ZGraphix Productions and posts videos at zgraphix.blip.tv and at Austin Indymedia. Zavala is also the founder of the Austin Activist Archive, a virtual collective dedicated to broadcasting citizen journalism.

Rag Radio — hosted and produced by Rag Blog editor Thorne Dreyer — is broadcast every Friday from 2-3 p.m. (CDT) on KOOP 91.7-FM in Austin, and streamed live on the web. The show, which has been aired since September 2009, features hour-long in-depth interviews and discussion about issues of progressive politics, culture, and history. After broadcast, all episodes are posted as podcasts and can be downloaded at the Internet Archive.

Thorne Dreyer’s guest on Rag Radio this Friday, July 15, 2-3 p.m. (CDT), will be Linda Stout. Stout is the founder and director of Spirit in Action and was the winner of the National Grassroots Peace Award. Her new book is Collective Visioning: How Groups Can Work Together for a Just and Sustainable Future.

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Rag Bloggers : A Conversation about Life, Death, and Washington

Rag Blog Discussion Group. Image from bsimple.com.


A Rag Blogger conversation:

Life, Death, Washington,

and the healthcare universe



By The Rag Bloggers / The Rag Blog / July 13, 2011

The budget/deficit negotiations in Washington have recently provoked a flurry of petition initiatives from the progressive side of the debate, urging the Obama administration to “take off the table” any changes to Social Security, Medicaid, or Medicare. This, in turn, provoked a behind-the-scenes, coast-to-coast discussion among some of the regular (and irregular) contributors to The Rag Blog — by way of our email discussion group — about what’s really at stake here, and what it all means.



Thoughtful, wide-ranging, respectful, and touching on everything from how we feel in the presence of newborn babies to what makes us afraid of death — the kind of discussion that usually can’t be heard above the roar of mainstream media talking heads. We enjoyed it so much, we wanted to share some of it with you.

Thanks to The Rag Blog‘s Sarito Carol Neiman for putting it all together.

Jane: In case y’all haven’t already received this (see below) here’s something — especially for those of us who worked to get Obama elected — to do, to hopefully end his continual compromising sell-out to the opposition. Though myself not much of a FaceBooker, this is what I posted on my page: “I have never been more serious. Cutting Social Security/Medicare/Medicaid is contrary to the Democratic Platform, not to mention contrary to common sense… why should the innocent suffer at the expense of scoundrels?”

Early on in his own presidential campaign, Howard Dean first spoke of “taking our country back.” Now, Democrats are also going to have to take our party back.

Bold Progressives Petition

URGENT: The New York Times reports that President Obama is offering Republicans “substantial spending cuts, including in such social programs as Medicare and Medicaid and Social Security — programs that had been off the table.”

Will you join 100,000 others who have signed this urgent pledge, which we’ll deliver to the Obama campaign?

“President Obama: If you cut Social Security, Medicare, or Medicaid benefits for me, my family, or families like mine, don’t ask for a penny of my money or an hour of my time in 2012. I’m going to focus on electing bold progressive candidates who will fight to protect our Democratic legacy.” Click to add your name.



Jay:
This is among several petitions on the proposed Social Security and Medicare cuts I’ve seen. Though we might discuss “what (else) is to be done?” for starters I’d say: ”sign two, three, many petitions!” The web addresses for what seem to be the most proactive groups working on these issues:



Janet:
And why is it more important to provide health care than it is to stop causing disease?

Changing the food in the schools will do far more for the health of our people than trying to fix them once they are sick. It is proven science that environmental toxins and nutrient-free food cause almost all modern disease.

Why worry about “curing disease” (really just covering up the symptoms) and not worry about what is causing it, where Obama is leading the way?

In the sixties I supported single-payer that is not just an arm of the pharmaceutical industry. People today take medicine their whole lives and are never cured.



Val:
I think we can do both. Congratulate the Obama administration for the good it does on the disease prevention level and oppose cuts to social services. The statement (accompanying the Bold Progressives petition) that cutting Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid was something even a Republican president and congress couldn’t do is the kicker for me.

How do folks think of strategy — do we give support where it’s due, as well as opposition? If not, we have to accept lots of bad with the good — not only of Obama but of most of the Dems.



Terry:
Perhaps we should quit worrying about health care and focus on death and dying:

Cost of Care at the End of Life

  • Patients with chronic illness in their last two years of life account for about 32% of total Medicare spending.

    Source: Dartmouth Atlas of Health Care (2005)
  • Medicare pays for one-third of the cost of treating cancer in the final year, and 78% of that spending occurs in the last month.

    Source: HemOnc Today (2008)
  • One large-scale study of cancer patients found that costs were about a third less for patients who had end-of-life discussions than for those who didn’t.

    Source: Archives of Internal Medicine (2009).

Read more here.



Sarito:
Amen, Terry! [Your post] appeared while I was still busy writing mine.

Janet’s point is a very good one — and the tip of an iceberg that only very few people have been willing or able to address. And as far as social security goes… if rich people (or even foolish ones) want to opt out of the system and turn their future retirement income over to Wall Street, I’d say let them go for it! Just don’t impose that recklessness on the entire country, don’t advertise it as the best and most intelligent thing to do, and for sure don’t let employers impose it on their employees.

And… I personally have no objection to “means testing” when it comes to Social Security, as long as the benchmarks for cutting payments are sufficiently high. I mean, if we can’t get millionaires and billionaires to pay more into the public coffers while they’re still working, then at least we can prevent them from taking money out of those coffers if they truly don’t need it when they retire.

I suspect when we adamantly insist that Medicaid and Medicare be “off the table,” we are avoiding coming to terms with the fact that what passes for our healthcare safety net is deeply, deeply flawed. The entire fee-for-services, disease-oriented, pill-happy, for-profit healthcare system in this country will continue to gobble up increasing amounts of public funds, if we “don’t touch it” — especially as the Baby Boom generation ages and makes its demands on

the system.

There are many worthy experiments happening around the country that suggest alternative approaches to delivering healthcare, and they are more cost-effective, offer better quality of care, and make both patients and doctors happier than anything an insurance company or HMO could possibly devise. These need to be highlighted and brought into the public discussion much more than the current occasional articles in the New Yorker or other serious “liberal media elite” publications.

And, as the system is set up now, for example — along with the entire culture of healthcare, in fact — if we “don’t touch it,” an overwhelming amount of Medicare money will increasingly go toward extending the lives of very ill, very old people, at huge expense in the last months of their lives especially, and in most cases with that so-called “life” confined to a hospital bed. Despite the fact that almost everybody who is asked how they would like to spend their last days would not like to spend them in a hospital hooked up to machines.

But there is a whole “long, drawn-out death industry” adamantly opposed to hospice and palliative care, so you get the “pull the plug on grandma”/“death panels” demagoguery whenever a proposal arises to make those end-of-life care options clear and available to people. Furthermore… have you noticed lately how many general practitioners (who are an essential part of any healthcare system focused on keeping people generally healthy rather than only on treating their specialized diseases) are immigrants from abroad?

That’s because other countries don’t burden their medical students with such a mountain of debt that they either have to take up an exotic specialty or sell their souls to an HMO if they are to have any hope of digging themselves out of that debt. We should give scholarships to every medical student who wants one, in exchange for a commitment to spend 4-5 years (earning a decent salary, mind you) at a community clinic or hospital.

And yes, we need to look at the whole malpractice insurance/litigious aspect of the system as well, I’d guess at least half of which is fueled not by victims of human error or tragic mistake who want to extract a pound of flesh in revenge (rather than just a simple explanation of what happened and a heartfelt apology), but by lawyers who want their hefty share of the proceeds.

It’s both complicated and really simple, it seems to me. But not in the ways we knee-jerk tend to think it is complicated or simple. Because we are still letting the insurance companies, HMOs, big pharma, and their lobbyists define the terms of the debate. So far, I haven’t seen a petition I could sign that begins to address the real issues at stake here.



Roger:
Corporatized health care makes a killing through hugely inflated costs during the last few years of a person’s life, which is probably why they oppose single payer so strongly. I saw that during the last few years and months of my mother’s life and death from Alzheimer’s. Even with a “living will,” our family was stuck with high hospital bills and they would not release her until my mother was deemed by the tests to be restored enough to go home and predictably die a few weeks later.

Assisted living is a corporate racket, and the hospitals don’t know the meaning of cost-effective health care. The corporate health care system tried to prevent me from using the best Philippina care giver I can imagine my mother having, because Faye wasn’t part of the corporate system that assisted living tried to impose. They wouldn’t even allow Faye to give my mother her medicine. Compassion and kindness are not part of the care giver resume, when health care is provided through the system, but lawsuit avoidance is a top priority.

I think many people would be happier and get better treatment the last few years of their life living in some third world country, or a country with single payer system.



Janet:
The truth is, Roger, that cost-effective health care is illegal. Many long-tried and well proven remedies exist, but FDA will not look at anything but pharmaceuticals or radiation or surgery.

But they go after anyone who is providing these alternative or traditional healing practices, saying they are not approved by the FDA. Of course, they can’t approve them since they won’t consider them.



Jay:
We need to take stock of where we are, and where we are is in a position of weakness. The right is defining the terms of the health care debate. Their compelling interest is in “privatization” whereby both Social Security and Medicare are turned, carte blanche, over to the completely for-profit market system. If we don’t defend the advances made by FDR and LBJ, then we stand to lose the whole game. Medicaid may not exist at all.

That’s why it is so important, at this moment, to “save” Social Security and Medicare, pretty much as they are. If impending disaster can be staved off, then maybe we’ll control the terms of the debate, or at least be in a better position to advocate reforms of a progressive nature.

But first things first.

Dick: I thought the suggestion that we have to start encouraging old people to die was meant as a joke! It is not old people who should have to learn to greet death with resignation. It’s the bastards who got us into this mess!



Janet:
The “death industry” is one reason Medicare needs some serious reform. I am glad they are talking about it, and hopeful that reason will enter. We got some pretty good stuff for health care in the stimulus package, notably comparative research funding, to see which treatments work best as opposed to just being better than a sugar pill, as well as putting more patient information online so that all your doctors have access to your lab reports, etc. The issues are not just right/left, but more complex.

78% of cancer money spent the last month? Surely many of those patients would be much better off if they were allowed to go home, be with their families, not be tortured by doomed “treatments.”



Terry:
Dick, actually, my statement about focusing on death and dying was a double entendre. One meaning was a sort of joke against focusing on single-minded solutions like health care, organic food, exercise, or other single-issue solutions. In reality it will take all of those things and much more to reduce the cost of health care and improve health. The other meaning was more in line with Kübler-Ross’s book, On Death and Dying.

Far from “encouraging old people to die,” the reality is that we will all die, no encouragement needed. However, for some reason our “Christian” society has terrified folks of this inevitability. The fact is, on average Americans spend about 1/3 of their total life’s health care costs in the last year of life, trying to stay alive, and 75% of that in the last month, which is oxymoronic.

We do need good, clean, wholesome food, exercise, clean air, and water, as well as TLC among our families, friends, and society. But many focus on only one of the issues, and I am glad someone does focus, but to deride others’ attempts to find solutions is counterproductive. We are all in this boat together, and no one is getting out alive. The best we can hope for is to leave less of a mess than we inherited.

This goes into huge issues that books are written about. Like the anti-abortion folks that encourage women to carry serious birth-defects like cardiac malformations. The heart defects can cost upwards of $500,000 just to get the child out of the hospital alive. Then as they age, if they live to maturity, they will have the innate desire to procreate, and those defective genes then enter the human gene pool; leading to even more problems down the line.

Modern society has built a pest house of cards that cannot continue forever. I worry about my grandchildren.

Obama Death Panel. Cartoon from The Cartoon Lounge / The New Yorker.




Jane:
Here, here, Terry! Great summation of our human dilemma.

As to the destiny for our progeny, the soul of Kahlil Gibran will benevolently overlook my inability to provide the exact quotation right here, in reassurance that I embraced and will never forget the gist of his pondering why we rejoice rather than weep at the birth of a child, when its very first breath eventually leads to its last: from the moment we’re born, we’re on our way to dying.

I think we laugh and giggle over a newborn out of nervous helplessness, in awe and amazement that such a cute little creature has come into being, then will be in our care until the babe grows to adulthood, ably functioning on its own. What mortal wouldn’t feel helplessly inept in the face such a charge, even while being utterly delighted at the prospect of creating a world this precious responsibility deserves.

Nowadays, the closest I come to faking anything, is upon learning of a pregnancy. “How wonderful!” I exclaim, even though I’m secretly weeping inside, thinking, what a terrible time and place to bring forth another innocent.

Incidentally, though the discussion is very interesting, please don’t lose sight of my purpose in originally posting: My thinking is, signing the petition is a formal way of informing Obama that if he agrees to/cooperates with Social Security/Medicare/Medicaid cuts, we don’t give him our money/time/(implicitly our energy/talents). Whether he/his advisers will heed our fair warning is unknown, of course. But there were lots of us — and for sure more than just Democrats, who sweated and bled to get Obama elected… all the expensive ads in the world don’t/won’t offset that valuable effort.

My further thinking is, signing the petition does not mean we are satisfied with Social Security/Medicare/ Medicaid as it is implemented today. Certainly we want loopholes closed and waste to be identified/ceased, so funds are truly utilized to expand the good. If we had a genuine social democracy in place, we could probably handle both taking care of children knowingly brought severely disabled into the world, if that as a parental option, while also spending boucoups on the jillions of severely dying (meaning prognosis of death is more imminent), with plenty of money left over to take care of all other health needs.

Only those directly involved would have to decide how next to proceed, and the rest of us would respect and abide by their personal choices, comfortable in knowing we have the same latitudes for ourselves.

Oh, I know I have a bad case of everlasting idealism but to me it’s sooo preferable to being greedy and grabby, squealing for room at the trough, I wouldn’t dream of exchanging maladies.



Jay:
There’s an intriguing, if not troubling point raised here. It may well be the case that the lion’s share of health care cost is devoted to those in their last year of life. It looks like the argument here is “these people are terrified of death” and they shouldn’t be. It’s also true, as Terry wrote, that Christianity has let a lot of folks down. But if that’s a testament to anything, isn’t it a testament to the fear death holds over many, no matter how devout they may be?

It’s one thing if big corporate health care holds fear of death over people for the sake of profits, little different than how corporate America in general wields fear as one of its major advertising weapons. That should be fought for the abomination that it is.

Many people, who actually may be on death’s doorstep, may not know they’re about to die, or cannot come to terms with that. Maybe fear of dying is irrational, but to delegitimize it is inhumane. There are also many cases where someone in their 80s has a serious, life-threatening illness, maybe even have been read the last rites, but then responds to treatment, or otherwise recovers, and lives another good five, 10, or more years.

Who are we to deny such people hope?

If we want to put health care spending on the chopping block, I’d say let it be bloated overhead and executive salaries, and the whole “for profit” health care system itself! After that, I’d speculate there’d be enough revenue to allow people to make their own decisions about treatment, care, and the end of life, in consultation with family, close friends, and medical professionals who truly have the best interest of their patients at heart. If the end of elderly people’s lives costs some money, I’d much rather pay for that than for Predator drones that end people’s lives early.

Give people honest assessments of their condition and realistic scenarios. Then, “let the people decide.” This applies to the elderly — and the dying — as much as anybody else.



Sarito:
Jay, I’d not like to be misunderstood as advocating pulling the plug on grandma, or instituting death panels because of some notion that people shouldn’t be afraid of death. There is nothing “illegitimate” about the fear of death, it’s a species-survival instinct we all carry with us. But it is sad, and I would argue “inhumane” to exploit that fear — whether for profit, as in the medical system and in the advertising by corporate America in general, or for the sake of keeping the Christian faithful devout and coming into the churches.

Fear of hell and greed for heaven is what the Christian church is all about. (Not talking about poor Jesus here, I have the sense he got sold out very early on by his so-called disciples, and not just Judas.)

Yes, there’s a larger community question about how much money we are collectively willing to spend on aggressive medical interventions at the end of life. I suspect, however, that if people are given truly dignified, pain-free, and compassionate alternatives to aggressive medical treatment that (as best as they and their doctors determine) has very little chance of succeeding, they will choose that. For those that still want to fight… they certainly deserve our compassion, and as much help and support as we can give them.

A rather wise person I know has said that the opposite of love is not hate, it’s fear. I think that’s true… and that is the larger, underlying human/spiritual dilemma to be faced in dealing with the fear of death. That is way above the pay grade of any political system or “set of rules” to solve.

But ideally, yes… I would hope we find a way that every single human being can live as long as he or she needs to, to accomplish all they want to accomplish, make peace with everybody they need to make peace with, see their favorite granddaughter get married, whatever it is that they still want to do before they die. A much more worthy use of our common resources than Predator drones indeed.



Terry:
I agree with most of what has been said here; however, the real problem with the USA health care system is the “for profit” corporate medicine. It basically changes the Hippocratic Oath of “First, do no harm” to “Your money or your life.” If we had a universal care or universal Medicare system, the overhead and executive salaries would pretty much be brought into line. People would also be able to deal with their physician on a one-to-one basis.

It is the corporate interjection into the system that is getting between the physician and patient. Not only do the corporate preferred provider systems (PPS) tell the patient which physicians in the PPS they can see, it also tells the physicians which diagnostic and therapeutic procedures they may use (or suffer loss of income).

I worked for 20 years with several very competent and compassionate physicians who started to retire in the late 80s and 90s because they got tired of constantly negotiating PPS contracts. I remember one particularly good physician who said, “I didn’t go into medicine to deal with lawyers all the time, and I don’t have to.” He retired before the next annual negotiation cycle, which started as soon as the last contract was signed.

As to “death and dying,” I think this will be much more difficult to change. It is a societal attitude problem. Almost no one wants to die, but we all will. The dilemma is the very last few months before death when the medical professions feel the obligation to pull out all the stops to prevent death, even though it is an impossibility. As one who went into health care 40 years ago in an attempt to recoup my karma after volunteering for Vietnam, I have observed and thought a lot about this.

Jay, you say,

Maybe fear of dying is irrational, but to delegitimize it is inhumane. There are also many cases where someone in their 80s has a serious, life-threatening illness, maybe even have been read the last rites, but then responds to treatment, or otherwise recovers, and lives another good five, 10, or more years. Who are we to deny such people hope?

This is exactly why I say the attitude toward death will be the most difficult to change. I have seen way too many people who were comatose or not competent kept alive for even a few days at great expense, and very few of the “miracle” recoveries from such illnesses at 80 years old. It is at once societal and individual.

As for me, I hope I have a Dr. Jacob “Jack” Kevorkian available when I become so infirmed I can’t wipe my own butt, or am in irreversible pain. I do not want to squander my daughter’s and granddaughters’ inheritance trying to add one month of agony to what has been an otherwise very fortunate and comfortable life.

But, then, that is me, and death is a very personal thing; others may have “hope” eternal.



Jay:
Since I live in Florida, trust me, I have not forgotten the infamous Terri Schiavo case, wherein then-Gov. Jeb Bush and a howling right wing mob fought to keep the unfortunate Ms. Schiavo alive, even though she had been comatose for over 10 years and contrary to her husband’s wishes.

We are not talking about those sorts of cases here. What we are discussing is people who are still at least mildly cognizant, and can make something approaching a lucid choice about their terminal care and/or end of life decisions. Situations like that of Ms. Schiavo are a tremendously good reason why everyone should have a “living will” and why that is the basic answer to this question.



Charlie:
Fear of dying. Dying is something that humans seem to fear. I am not sure that animals do. They get scared and feel pain but I don’t know enough about animals to know. I do know that from a young child I was taught that I would go to Heaven if I was good and to Hell if I was bad, all of which over the many years of going to various churches and studying various religions turns out to be a lot of hooey.

When my father died he went off to some medical school to be carved up. When my father-in-law died we had a huge battle over what kind of box he needed. I doubt that he cared. Then I cremated my mother and got this box that I have been carrying around for 20 years and don’t know exactly what to do with? I have even lost it a couple of times in the garage. My stepmother shot herself and the church people freaked out and refused to deal with it. She had sinned. She didn’t sin, she just had terminal cancer and shot herself. Again there was a huge flap among the sisters and brothers; eventually she was cremated and that urn was sent to Amarillo.

I think it is the pain of death that we fear most. If we just fell over dead we wouldn’t care much one way or the other. Didn’t the Sioux and other tribes let their old and feeble go off into the woods to expire. Maybe they gave them lots of peyote to make it a fun trip. Christians have some sort of irrational thing about getting to be dead.



Thorne:
Though pain is certainly a factor, I think we primarily fear the loss of ego — loss of “self” or consciousness of self. We invest a lot in this life and the idea that it can (will) be ripped out from under us is a rather chilling concept.

Some disciplines, of course, help us to deal with the question of ego, perhaps to tame it a bit if not to totally banish it. And many belief systems tell us that life continues in some form or another. But these are things we cannot — at least intellectually — know to be true.

Bottom line, I think the fear of death derives from the (presumable) fact that life as we know it will be snuffed like a candle.



Terry:
Thorne, I agree, it is mainly fear of death that society does not teach us to deal with logically. Of course, fear is the one thing that the R’s are selling right now.

The Rag Blog

Posted in Rag Bloggers | Tagged , , , | 1 Comment

David McReynolds : Libya, NATO, and International Law

Political cartoon by Gianfranco Uber / Cartoon Movement.

Bombs away:
Libya, NATO, and international law

By David McReynolds / The Rag Blog / July 13, 2011

The original UN resolution, pressed for by France, Great Britain, and the U.S. (all three led by men who have never been in armed combat) was to use such force as was needed to protect the civilian population of Libya. It was explicit that the NATO operation was not designed to force a regime change — though Obama has since made it clear that in his view Gaddafi must leave.

The events in Libya are tragic because they are a civil war, not part of the North African Spring. Far more violence has been used in Syria, with no word of NATO intervention. At last report Saudi Arabia had over a thousand troops “loaned” to Bahrain, with no hint of NATO intervention. What makes Libya different? It has oil.

I’m not writing a brief for or against Gaddafi. I am saying that NATO has violated the UN Resolution, that it should cease combat, and accept any of several offers put forward by other countries for an immediate cease fire. In particular the use of air attacks in a transparent effort to murder Gadaffi are completely indefensible.

But it is NATO which I want to look at first, and this carries us back to the early days of the Cold War. There have been books written on the origins of the Cold War but we have time only for a sketch. When WW II ended in 1945, it was won, in Europe, by the extraordinary losses of life by the Soviet Union. From the Western side there was a fear of the masses of Soviet troops and tanks and the reality of the mass Communist Parties in France and Italy.

The Soviet theory, at that time, not to be revised until Khruschev became the Soviet leader, was that conflict (and by this one assumed war) between capitalism and communism was inevitable. The one ace in the hole of the West was the nuclear bomb, and the speed with which the U.S. surrounded the Soviet Union with air bases which would make possible nuclear strikes deep in Soviet territory.

From the Soviet side, their massed troops were exhausted, the lines of communication made any serious attack on the West impossible. What the Soviets did want — what would have been true of any government in Moscow, regardless of its politics — was a buffer zone between Russia and Western Europe.

Russia has no natural defenses, no oceans, no rivers, no mountains. It had suffered from the Napoleonic invasion in the 19th century and from two German invasions in the 20th century. The Soviets sought at first to gain security through getting a U.S. and British agreement to a neutral Germany, along the lines that had been worked out with Austria and Finland. But in the climate of 1948 when nerves were raw on both sides and at a time when, possibly, wiser heads on either side might have changed the course of events, the Soviets moved to take control of Czechoslovakia, bringing it into the East European Bloc.

(There was an unintended tragedy here — in the last free elections in Czechoslovakia, the Communist Party had a strong share of the vote — the Soviet moves to bring it into the Soviet Bloc was a death blow to the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia).

The same year saw the raw testing of nerves when the Soviet Union cut off the land route from West Germany into Berlin, and the West responded with the Berlin Airlift.

Western Europe, essentially under the control of the U.S. (though a much gentler control than Eastern Europe faced from Moscow) responded to events in Czechoslovakia and the Berlin crisis by establishing the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) — a military defensive shield. That was in 1949.

The Soviets established the Warsaw Pact in 1955, several years after the founding of NATO. The Soviets had waited, still hoping for some kind of demilitarization of Germany, but this hope was ended when West German military forces were admitted to NATO in 1954.

In theory (and in the eyes of almost everyone in Europe), the two military pacts were “mutually defensive pacts.” But it was Professor Johan Galtung, a Norwegian academic (and pacifist — who served time in prison rather than doing military service) who advanced a theory I think proved more accurate.

Galtung felt that the NATO and WARSAW pacts were never intended to protect from outside forces (ie., the West realized Moscow was in no position to send forces into Western Europe, while the NATO forces knew that massive public opposition would make it untenable to invade the Warsaw Bloc). Rather, Prof. Galtung suggested, the two pacts were designed for “vertical control.”

If one goes back to that period there is a great deal of evidence of plans by the U.S., and by the military and police forces in France and Italy, to prevent even a free election of the Communist Parties in those countries, and to use NATO forces to achieve this — ie., a “vertical control”

Looking to the East the examples abound. On June 17, 1953, there was a major workers’ uprising in East Germany, put down with Soviet military forces, with at least 125 killed. In Poznan, Poland, in 1956 there were substantial working class riots, put down with Soviet forces, with something close to 200 people killed. Finally, and most dramatically, in Hungary, in October of 1956, there was a revolution which overthrew the government.

The Soviets at first agreed to withdraw and permit the formation of a new government, but then sent in troops. It is estimated that at least 700 Soviet troops and 2500 Hungarian were killed. (Matters were not helped by the fact that in October, 1956, when the world should have been focused on Hungary, Britian, France, and Israel invaded Egypt to seize control of the Suez Canal — a lesson reminding us that workers should never look to imperial powers for help at a time of need!).

It was at this moment when, if more rational minds were in control in the West, the leaders of NATO would have put through a call to Moscow saying “Look, it is obvious that the Warsaw Pact cannot possibly attack us — you can’t even control the countries in your own bloc. So we are now, unilaterally, dissolving NATO and we urge you to join us, and together see if we can work out some plans for genuine demilitarization of Europe.”

But rational minds were not in control. Even when the Soviet Union itself collapsed in a remarkable series on nonviolent revolutions, the West did not say, “Hey, we don’t need NATO anymore — the Warsaw Pact has dissolved, and our only excuse for existing dissolved with it.”

No, the “realistic” political minds in Washington, Paris, London, and Bonn began to talk of ways of finding new functions for NATO, admitting the nations that had been under Soviet control, and pushing the Western military machine closer to Russia’s borders. Part of this is the fulfillment of the sociological law that no organization goes quietly into the night.

When the March of Dimes realized it had won the fight against polio, it didn’t dissolve — why dissolve when so many people had jobs? They just found a new disease. NATO provides all kind of jobs for Generals and for ordinary bureaucrats in Brussels. To dissolve NATO might threaten the survival of Brussels itself.

And so NATO found new purposes. It deployed military forces to Afghanistan! A most remarkable deployment, since not one of the countries in NATO (with the exception of the earlier ill-fated British Mission) had ever even been to Afghanistan. A new war! A new purpose! No need for generals to find honest work! The bureaucrats at Brussels were safe!

So in this sense it is not surprising that NATO, finding itself firmly locked out of events in North Africa, not invited to play a key role in Tunisia or Egypt or Bahrain, decided it could play a role in Libya, and at least Libya had oil!

My first point has been that NATO — an organization which probably should never have been formed, and which in any case was formed entirely in relation to tensions in the middle of the 20th century — should be dissolved now. It should have been dissolved long ago. “Out of NATO” should be the slogan of every socialist and peace group in the NATO bloc.

The second point is international law, which has surfaced since the European courts issued a writ for the arrest of Gadaffi. I do not know if Gaddafi qualifies for the writ — there is much that I don’t know. But I do know that former British Prime Minister Tony Blair qualifies for such a writ, as does the former President of the United States, George Bush. I write this not because I have a special dislike for Blair or Bush, but because the force of law must carry with it some element of logic.

I am very glad that some of the surviving leaders of the Khmer Rouge are being brought to trial. But even in that case I am worried over the process by which the international courts selected who should be prosecuted. All scholars who have followed the deep tragedy of Cambodia know that both China and the United States maintained support for the Khmer Rouge long after the Vietnamese Army had driven it from the cities. Scholars of events in Indochina know that it was the CIA action in installing Lon Nol in Cambodia, which in the process, drove the King from his throne, and opened the door to the Khmer Rouge. Again, scholars know the the heavy air attacks on Cambodia, ordered by Kissinger and Nixon, gave the Khmer Rouge a legitimacy. Nixon, of course, is gone, But Henry Kissinger still makes guest appearances on TV shows. He is still a paid consultant for at least one network.

In no way am I trying to excuse the former leaders of the Khmer Rouge from their day in court — Cambodia deserves no less. I have been to Cambodia. I have seen the death pits, the skulls with the bullet holes. I want justice.

But the “trick” of international law is that if it is too obviously selective — in the case of Cambodia we have only four Cambodians on trial — we are surely mocking the dead, and in the process, using that trial to mock the law itself.

And if — with the memory of Iraq on our minds, and knowing all that we know about it, knowing all the civilians in Iraq who were killed, all our own men and women who were killed, or who bear injuries that will twist their minds to the final days — if, given those realties, we bring in a writ only against Gadaffi, does this not turn international law on its head?

Turning to Libya. To admit I do not know enough about Libya, is not to say I know nothing about it. Sheila Cooper, a friend of mine and a woman who liked secretarial work, had been secretary to Peggy Duff, also a good friend, and a leader in the British (and international) peace movement. Of Peggy, Noam Chomsky said she was “one of those heroes who is completely unknown, because she did too much… she should have won the Nobel Peace Prize about 20 times.”

When Peggy died in 1981, Sheila took a secretarial job in Libya. The pay was good and she hoped to make enough to retire. I was in touch with Sheila about Libya, she never conveyed a sense of living in a dictatorship, she chatted about the differences among the Libyans depending on what part of Libya they were from. Sheila, sadly, died of cancer before her retirement, but on the one occasion when I visited her in London, while she was on leave, she did not express any sense of horror or dismay about Libya.

Most of us who are old enough to remember World War II know of Libya from the surge of Allied or Nazi tank battles across the desert, or from an old Humphrey Bogart film set in Libya. What we don’t know is that the Nazis, Italians, British, and American armies left vast numbers of land mines behind, but never gave the Libyans the maps which could make possible finding the mines. As a result, even when I visited Libya in 1989 there were still farmers being blown up somewhere in Libya almost every week.

Nor do most of us have any idea of the patriotic struggle of the Libyans against Italy. We may be aware that the name of Libya’s leader, Gaddafi, is spelled several different ways. The Libya we know today came into being in 1969, when Muammar Gaddafi took power in a coup, overthrowing the monarchy. But already oil had been discovered and Libya, which had not held much interest to other countries (the exception would be the U.S., which had a major air force base at Wheelus, Libya), was suddenly very much “on the map of world politics.”

(This was not the first contact the U.S. had with Libya — in fact, the first U.S. foreign military action was in 1805 in Tripoli against the “Barbary Pirates.”)

One of the first things Gaddafi did was to expel the U.S. from Wheelus — something for which I don’t think the U.S. has ever forgiven him. Libya, under Gaddafi, entered world politics in ways that are confusing. I have a good friend who thinks he is insane. Certainly, with his strange ways of dressing, it is obvious he is not your ordinary political leader. He holds no title, and while he is considered a dictator by his opponents, I think our problem is trying to find some way to think about Libya and Gaddafi — and it is hard.

Shortly after taking power he changed the name of Libya to “Jamahiriya,” an Arabic term generally translated as “state of the masses.” Gaddafi did not line up, politically, with either the Soviet Union or the Peoples Republic of China. Instead, he wrote the Green Book, of which I had a copy at one time but found close to incomprehensible and have (I think) lost it.

Remember, he was only 26 when he took power, he found himself in charge of a country which had, almost overnight, moved from being one of the poorest to being one of the most wealthy. He used that wealth to build universities, housing, medical centers. The form of government was — in theory — to be based on “direct democracy” without any political parties, governed through local popular councils named “Basic People’s Congresses.”

Clearly he had to have had considerable charisma to hold things together, and he seems to have hoped that his views, as set forth in his Green Book, would be a guide for the Third World. The best we can do in trying to translate “Jamahiriya” into English is to say it can be rendered as “Great Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahirya.” And that really leaves us more confused than before!

Gaddafi’s foreign policy has been, at best, erratic. He has extended financial aid to a wide range of groups, acted as a friend to people such as Idi Amin, given aid to the Irish Republican Army, supported armed Islamic rebels in the Philippines, etc.

At some point in the early 1980’s (I don’t have exact notes) I got an invitation to a conference on Peace and Liberation to be held at Malta. I checked with my friend Sheila Cooper, and she said the Libyans had asked her for any names that she could think of — and she had sort of turned over her address book. In addition to me and Daniel Ellsberg, there was an old friend from the independent left movement in Japan, a woman from Yugoslavia, two people from the Fellowship of Reconciliation in the U.S. — perhaps two dozen in all.

My guess that Libyan money was behind it was true enough — we had to raise the air fare to get to Rome, but from there we had tickets to Malta, and our costs in Malta were covered. The one real give-away was the huge table with Gaddafi’s Green Book.

There were only about four Libyans present for the conference, they did not “guide us” to any conclusions. I was interested that there were no representatives from the World Peace Council — the Soviet Union’s front group. It was clear that this was an experiment in trying to reach out beyond the usual group. My own feeling was that the money spent on us was at least not spent on Irish terrorists.

In 1989 the Fellowship of Reconciliation sent a team, including myself, Virginia Baron, an academic — Dirk Vandewalle — and a half dozen others for a week to take a look at Libya. Having Prof. Vandewalle with us was very helpful, as he could give us what clearly Obama needs and doesn’t have — a short course in the history of Libya.

We did not meet Gaddafi, but we met with pretty much all the key people in government. But even to say that is tricky. I realize much has changed since 1989, but there were no civil associations as we would know them, no trade unions, no lawyers associations, no political parties. The question of “how” decisions were made was not clear.

None of us found the political climate oppressive. Our hosts were frank and easy in their talks with us, we visited Tripoli without any “minders,” and had a chance to see some of the real wonders of the ancient history of Tripoli. And of course we saw the home of Gaddafi, which was hit, on orders from Reagan, in revenge for Libya’s alleged involvement in a bombing in Berlin.

Vehicles belonging to forces loyal to Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi explode after an air strike by coalition forces, along a road between Benghazi and Ajdabiyah, March 20, 2011 Photo by Goran Tomasevic / Reuters.

(Proof of that involvement is sketchy — but the impact of the U.S. bombing was very clear. Not only had one of his daughters been killed, but we saw a part of the French Embassy which had been hit, and an apartment building in a clearly residential neighborhood which had been totally destroyed, along with everyone in it.)

The only contact I had had since was indirect. Someone I’ve been in email contact with, an American, had gone to Libya recently for a job, and then when the “troubles” began early this year, she had to leave, but in her notes to me after she left she expressed no sense of horror at Gaddafi — nor any great love for the man. She said that he probably had a fair amount of popular support, wryly noting that even Nixon won two free elections.

The most painful link to Libya was the Lockerbie bombing, since two good friends of mine lost their daughter — their only child — who was on the plane when it was destroyed. There are arguments about whether the Lockerbie bombing was actually the responsibility of Libya but the fact is that Libya had been the source of funds for terrorism (or, if you look at it from the Libyan standpoint, the source of funds for various struggles for national liberation). There is also no question that Libya had, on at least one occasion, sent out hit squads to silence Libyans who had left Libya but remained openly critical of Gaddafi

One does need to remember that the late Soviet Union did the same thing, Israel has done this, and I’m afraid the U.S. has also had a hand in this miserable game.

What is interesting is that in recent years Libya seemed to have made a major change in policy, settling British claims over the Lockerebie bombing, agreeing to end any further research into nuclear or other weapons of mass destruction. It is this most recent period that I know so little about — but how strange that Gaddafi and Libya would now have moved to the top of a hit list.

Two things are clear. This is not a revolution but a Civil War. I don’t know what forces are involved among the “rebels” but how little real support they have is provided by the fact that months after the French, British, and Americans have destroyed any Libyan air force, and after the murder of one of Gaddafi sons, and repeated attacks on his various compounds, Gaddafi is still there, he has been seen in public, he has received foreign guests, and Tripoli remains in his hands.

It is not surprising that various officials have “defected” since I think any of us might consider defecting as we realized guided missiles are being sent to track down key officials. This is less an appeal to a moral reason to leave the government, than an urgent sense of survival.

The other thing which is clear is that the rebels have also killed people. In one case (documented from press reports) the rebels admitted to having killed a number of prisoners of war they had captured “because they were black and we assumed they were hired killers.”

Civil wars are very nasty things. We lost more men in our Civil War than were killed in almost all our wars combined — WW I, WW II, and the Korean War — until late in the Vietnam War the total military dead was greater. We lost those men from a much smaller population. Civil wars are not civil. This one is tragic and we should be urging the European forces to rush to the negotiating table.

Certainly the Libyan adventure is one very good reason not to leave NATO in existence — it is a weapon that has already killed many in Afghanistan and may yet kill many more in Libya.

[David McReynolds is a former chair of War Resisters International, and was the Socialist Party candidate for President in 1980 and 2000. He was recently the subject, along with Barbara Deming, of a dual biography by Martin Duberman titled A Saving Remnant. He is retired and lives with two cats on the Lower East Side of Manhattan. He posts at Edge Left and can be reached at dmcreynolds@nyc.rr.com. Read more articles by David McReynolds on The Rag Blog.]

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