BOOKS / Jonah Raskin : Daniel Coshnear’s ‘Occupy’ Stories Are as Contemporary as the Latest Tweet

Daniel Coshnear’s
‘Occupy and Other Love Stories’

As contemporary as the latest tweet, Coshnear’s men, women, and children cry out for the lost soul of America itself.

By Jonah Raskin | The Rag Blog | November 23, 2012

[Occupy and Other Love Stories by Daniel Coshnear; art by Squeak Carnwath (October 2012: Kelly’s Cove Press); Paperback; 135 pp; $20.]

The characters in Daniel Coshnear’s political short stories read Stephen King and Raymond Carver. They smoke Camels and marijuana, drive Sentras, work at Safeways, and as school janitors. Preoccupied and in denial, they’ve survived trauma and now they’re suffering from Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder and a host of social and psychological ills.

As contemporary as the latest tweet, Coshnear’s men, women, and children cry out for the lost soul of America itself.

The 12 stories in Occupy and Other Love Stories take place in Santa Rosa, California, and along the Russian River in Sonoma County, though one is set in New York, and the very last conjures up Berkeley during the Occupy Wall Street Movement last spring. It’s an overtly polemical tale and might well be called revolutionary romanticism.

Coshnear’s heart is with the rebels and the in-your-face citizens who refuse to be silenced or sit still. For the most part, however, his characters don’t give speeches or march in the streets. They’re part of the 99% and too busy dealing with death, divorce, depression, and suicide to be distracted by leaflets, posters, and slogans.

Years from now a Ph.D. student writing about the culture of the Occupy Movement will surely point to Occupy and Other Love Stories as an example of the fiction that emerged from the protests against Wall Street immorality and criminality. It’s also fiction that stands on its own merits without ties to Occupy or any social movement.

Coshnear’s stories are compact with vivid descriptions of people and places, and with crisp dialogue that’s practically audible. Reading them is like watching a series of video clips that depict domestic life with images of Iraq on TV, and real cops lurking on the sidewalk outside the front door.

Parents and children inhabit “Early Onset” and “Custodian” in which a father and his son disconnect and then reconnect. Love, sex, and relationships animate “Avulsion,” “Borscht on the Ceiling,” which takes place in New York, and “Occupy” — the title story — in which a professor finds romance with a student.

The characters play their own roles, and speak their minds independently of the author, though sometimes he analyzes them and even describes the medications they take, as in “You Can Put Your Name on It, If You Want to.”

Pills help the characters, though they long for more than legal and illegal drugs. They want to know the answers to all the big questions, such as “if bad things happen to bad people,” and if their own children might one day inhabit “a better world.”

[Jonah Raskin, professor emeritus at Sonoma State University, is an author and a frequent contributor to The Rag Blog. Read more articles by Jonah Raskin on The Rag Blog.]

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Eyeless in Gaza

By Tom Hayden / The Rag Blog / November 21, 2012

The Israeli political establishment — and donors like Sheldon Adelson and the militant neo-conservatives — seem to be eyeless in Gaza, in the phrase of Aldous Huxley.

Whatever the temporary outcome of this latest war — as this is written, the Israelis are on the verge of a ground invasion — the balance of forces in the new Middle East has shifted against Israel’s military might and towards Tel Aviv’s worsening diplomatic and political isolation.

While it is true that Hamas rocket fire gave the Israelis a plausible case for self-defense, Israel’s targeted killing of Hamas leader Ahmed al-Jabari on November 14 only inflamed the Palestinian fighters to new levels of resistance, leading the Israelis into a strategic trap: either back down from their invasion plan or motor into an urban quagmire and accept greater global condemnation.

An “emboldened” Hamas may exceed its potential capacity by relying on longer-range Fajr-5 missiles from Iran and by testing the limits of its diplomatic support from Egypt, Turkey, Qatar, and the Arab world. But the greater risk is to Israel in trying to impose a military solution that leaves a crater of diplomatic isolation smoldering across the region.

Prime Minister’s great mistake was to attach Israel’s destiny to Mitt Romney. As The New York Times reported November 8, “freed from electoral concerns, the second-term president may prove likelier to pursue his own path without worry about backlash from Washington’s powerful and wealthy pro-Israel lobby.” It also is possible that Obama will use the crisis to increase the pressure on Iran over its smuggling of Farj-5 rockets through Egypt.

Only a diplomatic breakthrough might end the cycle of “eyeless” violence. J Street, the liberal Jewish alternative to AIPAC, is urging a ceasefire coupled with immediate progress towards a two-state solution, a path Israel’s political hawks stubbornly refuse. The Palestinian Authority is petitioning for non-state membership in the United Nations, a diplomatic opening that Congressional hawks will oppose with a cut in funding to both the PA and the UN. With both a military victory and a diplomatic breakthrough blocked, the conflict will continue being a death spiral, as the balance of forces shifts steadily against the Israelis.

From a commentary by Uri Avnery, formerly of Israel’s foreign ministry, “Another Superfluous War.”

“Was there an alternative? Obviously, the situation along the Gaza Strip had become intolerable. One cannot send an entire population to the shelters every two or three weeks. Except hitting Hamas on the head, what can you do?

“A lot.

“First of all, you can abstain from “reacting”. Just cut the chain.

“Then, you can talk with Hamas as the de facto government of Gaza. You did, actually, when negotiating the release of Shalit. So why not look for a permanent modus vivendi, with the involvement of Egypt?

“A hudna can be achieved. In Arab culture, a hudna is a binding truce, sanctified by Allah, which can go on for many years. A hudna cannot be violated. Even the Crusaders concluded hudnas with their Muslim enemies.

“The day after the assassination, Israeli peace activist Gershon Baskin, who had been involved in mediating Shalit’s release, disclosed that he had been in contact with Ja’abari up to the last moment. Ja’abari had been interested in a long-term cease-fire. The Israeli authorities had been informed.

“But the real remedy is peace. Peace with the Palestinian people. Hamas has already solemnly declared that it would respect a peace agreement concluded by the PLO – i.e. Mahmoud Abbas – that would establish a Palestinian state along the 1967 borders, provided this agreement were confirmed in a Palestinian referendum.

“Without it, the bloodletting will just go on, round after round. Forever.”

[Tom Hayden is a former California state senator and leader of Sixties peace, justice, and environmental movements. He currently teaches at Pitzer College in Los Angeles. His latest book is The Long Sixties. Hayden is director of the Peace and Justice Resource center and editor of The Peace Exchange Bulletin. Read more of Tom Hayden’s writing on The Rag Blog.]

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Lamar W. Hankins : ‘Death with Dignity’ Defeated

Image from WNYT.com.

‘Death with Dignity’ defeated:
Freedom denied by Massachusetts voters

If I decide that it is time for my life to come to an end for reasons important to me, that should be my decision.

By Lamar W. Hankins | The Rag Blog | November 21, 2012

“The greatest human freedom is to live, and die, according to one’s own desires and beliefs. From advance directives to physician-assisted dying, death with dignity is a movement to provide options for the dying to control their own end-of-life care.” — Statement from the Death with Dignity National Center

Since the founding of this country, the ideal of individualism has always been balanced with the ideal of community. Conflicts between the two concepts usually involve taking one person’s property or altering property rights for the betterment of the whole community, or preventing individual behaviors that might be harmful to the community as a whole (such as shooting a gun in the city, or failing to report communicable diseases to health authorities, to enable treatment or quarantine of an individual).

But individualism went down to defeat in a vote on November 6 in Massachusetts for reasons unrelated to the best interests of the community. That state was voting on a so-called Death with Dignity initiative that would have made Massachusetts the third state to officially adopt a law that recognizes the right of terminally-ill persons to end their own lives with self-administered lethal drugs prescribed by their physicians to end their suffering.

The prescription would be made available only after many safeguards are implemented. Oregon and Washington have similar laws and Montana’s Supreme Court has recognized such a right in that state’s constitution.

The Massachusetts proposal was modeled after the 1997 Oregon law that was the first Death with Dignity Act (DWDA) adopted in the nation. This choice of death with dignity appears not to have been abused according to the reports made each year by the Oregon Public Health Division. Since the law took effect in 1998 and through 2011, 596 Oregonians have ended their lives using the law. During this same time, 339 others obtained the prescription drugs, but did not use them.

The 2011 Public Health report noted that the three most frequently mentioned reasons for using the law were “decreasing ability to participate in activities that made life enjoyable (90.1%), loss of autonomy (88.7%), and loss of dignity (74.6%).” These appear to be the same concerns expressed by others since the law took effect. Over 82% of patients who used the DWDA in 2011 had some form of terminal cancer, a figure that has been consistent over the years since the law took effect.

The Public Health report reveals that 94.1% of patients who used the DWDA last year died at home; 96.7% were enrolled in hospice care either at the time the DWDA prescription was written or at the time of death; and 96.7% had some form of health care insurance. These data have been fairly consistent throughout the years since the DWDA was enacted in Oregon.

Undoubtedly, Oregon’s health care system, especially its hospice care, has been a primary reason that the law has not been used by more people. A notable benefit of the law has been an improvement in Oregon’s end-of-life care, especially pain control.

But a similar law proposed for Massachusetts was narrowly defeated — 51% to 49%. Opposition came mainly from the Catholic church and a group of disability activists associated with Not Dead Yet. My personal involvement with promoting the rights of the disabled as an attorney for the last 35 years and my experience with caring for disabled parents for several years has created a great deal of dissonance for me as I have listened to the arguments made by disability rights activists against Death with Dignity proposals.

In the mid-90s, I became involved personally with the Death with Dignity movement, first by helping to organize a chapter of Hemlock in the Austin area, then in support of Compassion & Choices (the successor to Hemlock through a merger), and now with the Final Exit Network.

I have favored death with dignity laws because of my support for the personal autonomy and the individual rights I believe all people should have to make decisions about their lives. I have not seen this issue as creating conflict between the ideals of individualism and community. For me, the decision to end one’s life to end one’s suffering is purely an individual decision. But that’s not how other disability rights advocates see it.

Many of the arguments made by Not Dead Yet and others in Massachusetts focused on how Oregon carries out its DWDA, according to Melissa Barber, an Electronics Commination Specialist with the Death with Dignity National Center. They argued that doctors can’t accurately predict when a patient will die, that there isn’t a requirement for people to tell their families they’ve requested the medication, that there’s no required psychological evaluation, and that patients who request the medication might not talk to hospice and palliative care professionals.

But all of these arguments are false or misleading. For example, in Oregon two doctors must find that the person requesting a lethal prescription has six months or less to live. It should be obvious that no one can accurately predict exactly when a person with a terminal illness will die, but physicians apply their clinical experience and their knowledge of the course of an illness to determine whether a person has six months or less to live.

It matters little whether I have six days or six years to live. If I decide that it is time for my life to come to an end for reasons important to me, that should be my decision. The accuracy of a doctor’s informed opinion about my life expectancy is beside the point.

Although patients in Oregon are encouraged to talk with their families and loved ones about their decision to request lethal medication, it is the patient’s choice whom to talk to about this decision. If I need a “feeding tube” to get adequate nutrition, whether I get it is my choice. I may or may not talk with family members about the decision, though I am sure I will be encouraged to talk with family members about the matter.

This is true of all medical decisions made by mentally competent adults. A decision about asking for lethal medication should be no different.

The argument about “no required psychological evaluation” is likewise specious. In Oregon, two independent physicians evaluate the patient for signs of depression. If they detect signs, they refer the patient to a mental health specialist.

Although many people believe that anyone who chooses to stop their suffering before what we call a natural death is mentally ill, there are no data to support such a position. Having my life controlled by another person’s fear or belief takes away my autonomy to decide what is best for me.

Lack of access to adequate health services is unlikely to be a reason for choosing to end one’s life shortly before it would end as a result of some terminal illness. The overwhelming number of Oregonians who choose to use the DWDA are in hospice care and have health insurance — almost 97% of them. And about 40% of Oregonians who obtain lethal medications do not use them, which indicates that the system is not pushing people to hurry up and die, another argument frequently used to oppose death with dignity laws.

Perhaps the Not Dead Yet activists are concerned about a variation of the slippery slope argument, applied to those with permanent disabilities. Their position is that some people fear disability more than death. They assert that all people with a terminal illness will become disabled at some point during their illness. Because some people can’t accept this disability, they want to die rather than live through the disability to a “natural” end.

Such a desire is an indirect threat to people who choose to make the best of their disability and live with it. They fear that disability will come to be seen as a condition that should not be tolerated, leading to the killing of disabled people against their will.

In effect, they are saying that if I have a terminal illness, I can’t decide to end my life at a time of my choosing because it is not the decision they would make, and it might lead to euthanasia of the disabled.

This position is astounding to me. I would never want to decide for others a course of medical treatment or assistance when they are capable of making that decision for themselves. These activists have no right to make that decision for me. But they choose to deny me the rights they hold precious for themselves — to decide how to live and die on my own terms.

 I’m Not Dead Yet, either, but I’ll not try to control how others live or die.

[Lamar W. Hankins, a former San Marcos, Texas, city attorney, is also a columnist for the San Marcos Mercury. This article © Freethought San Marcos, Lamar W. Hankins. Read more articles by Lamar W. Hankins on The Rag Blog.]

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Robert Jensen : What Starts at UT… Accelerates Destruction?

Image from Latinitas.

UT motto modification:
What starts here…
accelerates destruction?

While UT administrators may be heartfelt in their belief that ‘we are driven to solve society’s issues,’ most of the so-called solutions that are generated ignore or intensify the fundamental problems of the systems.

By Robert Jensen | The Rag Blog | November 21, 2012

AUSTIN — I want to suggest a slight modification of the University of Texas’ motto, “What starts here changes the world.”

A more accurate slogan — while not quite as pithy and probably less effective for public-relations purposes — would be, “What starts here accelerates the destruction of the world.”

I am not suggesting that the administrators or faculty of UT, where I have been a professor for two decades, want to destroy the world. Rather, I’m arguing that like almost every other institution of higher education in the United States, UT is complicit in the ongoing destruction of the world by offering a curriculum that celebrates the existing economic/political/social systems, which undermine the life-sustaining capacity of the world.

While that claim may sound crazy, I think my reasoning is calm and careful. The destructive features of contemporary America’s systems — an extractive economy that demands endless growth, with a mystical faith in high-energy/high-technology systems and gadgets, dependent on continued mass consumption of goods of questionable value — are all woven into the fabric of UT’s teaching and research.

Entire departments on campus are staffed with faculty who seem incapable of imagining a challenge to those features and appear dedicated to maintaining the systems. The goal of most courses is to train students to play by the existing rules, not question the systems that produce the rules.

The obvious problem: We face multiple, cascading ecological crises that should spur us to rethink our economy, politics, and society, but the existing rules rule out such thinking. If we can’t transcend these intellectual limits, it is not clear that an ongoing large-scale human presence on the earth will be possible.

What is clear is that affluent societies such as the United States cannot continue to live indefinitely in the style to which so many have become accustomed. In the short term such affluence can be maintained only by intensifying already unconscionable levels of inequality, and in the long term even that soulless strategy can’t stop the inevitable decline and eventual collapse.

First, the difficult realities. Look at any crucial measure of the health of the ecosphere in which we live — groundwater depletion, topsoil loss, desertification, chemical contamination, increased toxicity in our own bodies, the number and size of “dead zones” in the oceans, extinction of species and reduction of bio-diversity — and ask a simple question: Are we heading in the right direction?

Don’t forget that we also live in an oil-based world and are rapidly depleting the cheap and easily accessible oil, which means we face a huge reconfiguration of the infrastructure that undergirds our lives. The desperation to avoid that reconfiguration has brought us into the era of “extreme energy,” marked by the use of more dangerous and destructive technologies (hydrofracturing, deep-water drilling, mountain-top removal, tar sands extraction).

And, of course, there is the undeniable trajectory of global warming and climate disruption.

Where does that leave us? Instead of thinking in terms of manageable “environmental problems,” scientists these days are talking about tipping points and the breach of planetary boundaries, about how human activity is pushing the planet beyond its limits.

Second, the deficient response. Universities, which have the resources to chart the new paths that are necessary, too often push students onto the same old dead-end roads. On occasion, cautionary notes from the academy are sounded. For example, one group of scientists recently warned that humans are forcing a planetary-scale critical transition “with the potential to transform Earth rapidly and irreversibly into a state unknown in human experience,” which means that “the biological resources we take for granted at present may be subject to rapid and unpredictable transformations within a few human generations.”

Unfortunately, most of the modern university pays no heed. The most obvious place where realities are avoided and illusions maintained is the business school, ground zero on campus for the indoctrination into capitalist ideology.

What’s the problem with that? After all, hasn’t capitalism unleashed incredible productivity and created unparalleled wealth? Yes, but putting aside the important questions about what the unequal distribution of that wealth says about our alleged commitment to moral principles (in case it’s not clear, it says we don’t take our moral principles very seriously), we now face the grim reality that capitalism is ecocidal. Industrial capitalism treats the world as a mine from which to extract resources and a dump for wastes.

Largely unregulated markets obscure that destruction, as financial “instruments” are traded with no regard for what is necessary for a real economy to continue — the capacity of nature to sustain life.

But in business school, future corporate leaders are taught to maximize profit, marketing experts develop evermore ways to sell us things we don’t need, and financial wizards slice and dice the numbers to make it all work — at least on paper.

How much critique of the destructive capacity of contemporary corporate capitalism will students encounter in the UT business school? I regularly ask my students about their experience in business classes, and they report that there is virtually no such discussion beyond occasional mentions of “corporate social responsibility,” a concept designed to assuage consciences rather than deal with core problems. Real critique in business classes is so rare that when I ask that question, students either look confused or chuckle at the absurdity.

Move over to the economics department, which at UT (and most other universities) is dominated by the conventional wisdom of neoclassical and/or mildly reformist Keynesian economic thought. These models acknowledge “market failures” and “negative externalities,” and then proceed to downplay the dramatic consequences. Failures and externalities such as climate disruption and other human-generated forms of ecological destruction aren’t mere footnotes to otherwise well-functioning models.

Yet while these looming disasters reveal the models to be irrational, market fundamentalism demands we ignore the obvious.

These difficult realities do not seem to slow down the economics department or the business school, as they offer instruction in the theory and practice of a system that is killing the planet at a quickening pace.

In other parts of the university, the story is slightly more complicated. In the government department and law school, for example, a wider range of views are acceptable, but the overall thrust of each is toward the conventional. The study of law and politics typically takes corporate capitalism as non-negotiable, and so other aspects of our lives must adapt to the rules of that economic game. A few critics are allowed in these departments but are largely treated as cranky misfits who need not be taken seriously.

In the sciences and engineering, there is less attention paid to economic/political/social systems. There, administrators and faculty see their disciplines as focused on answering different kinds of questions. Here it is not market fundamentalism but technological fundamentalism that is most troubling.

Technological fundamentalists assume that the increasing use of evermore sophisticated high-energy advanced technology is always a good thing and that any problems caused by the unintended consequences of such technology eventually can be remedied by more technology. This kind of magical thinking offers a reassuring way out of the problems that the extractive/industrial economy has created — if we ignore the history of those unintended consequences.

The story of air-conditioning is a great example. The chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) widely used in cooling systems were depleting the ozone layer, and so they were replaced with “safer” hydrochlorofluorocarbons (HCFCs), which we now know are contributing significantly to global warming. Rather than rethink our demand for constant cooling, we stumble forward looking for the next technological fix.

But if we look only for “solutions” that don’t disturb existing systems, and those existing systems are unsustainable, then our solutions are at best irrelevant and at worst will exacerbate the fundamental problems and make it harder for people to imagine new systems. That’s not an argument to abandon all attempts to improve technology, but rather a reminder of technology’s limits and dangers.

The university departments where one is most likely to find the culture of sustained critical inquiry we need are in the humanities and the social sciences. These departments — philosophy, history, literature, sociology, anthropology, as well as ethnic and women’s studies — will vary ideologically depending on time and place, but they offer space from which one can think about challenges to existing systems of power and privilege.

While much excellent and exciting thinking goes on in such settings, too often the way in which that knowledge is framed and communicated guarantees that any insights will not go beyond a narrow scholarly community. The university’s system of rewards and punishments encourages professors to stay stuck in the academic trenches, which have become increasingly self-indulgent spaces.

As long as critically minded academics stay safely within academic life and speak an unnecessarily jargon-laden specialized language, they are free to pursue whatever topics they like, but at the cost of social irrelevance.

Let me be clear about what I am NOT arguing: I am not suggesting there is no good intellectual work done at UT; I am not suggesting that the system has cowed every administrator or professor; and I most certainly am not saying that anyone who disagrees with me is corrupt or incompetent.

Reasonable people can disagree, and I do not think I have an exclusive claim on wisdom. I consider myself a hard-working second-tier intellectual and make no claim to being a terribly deep or original thinker. This essay reflects the analyses and arguments made by an increasingly large group of critics urging us to step back and think more deeply about the world we have built.

And let me be clear about one more thing: I love my job and am grateful for the resources that UT provides for my work. But when I try to understand the system in which I work, I observe patterns that keep certain points of view dominant and other approaches marginal.

I see younger faculty who want to challenge that system but get beaten down, or who toe the line out of fear, or who are quickly seduced by the promise of privilege. I see students who want to push their professors to consider more critical views but often give up when they meet resistance.

Most important to understanding all this, I see a system of higher education that is structured hierarchically like a corporation and largely dependent on corporations for support. The primary reason that UT rarely challenges the conventional wisdom is that it is dependent on other institutions and people who build, maintain, and profit from the conventional wisdom.

The University of Texas should be a place where teaching and research challenge the culture to face what it prefers to ignore. Such confrontation isn’t going to come from corporations in a capitalist economy, which are dedicated to the status quo. Such confrontation isn’t going to come from conventional political parties and politicians, who are largely captured by the wealth concentrated in the corporate sector.

Such confrontation usually emerges on the margins of society, from relatively small grassroots groups that generate new ideas but lack the resources to put the relevant issues on the public agenda.

Universities could serve an important role in helping amplify those challenges to power. They have not only the resources, but the responsibility of pursuing knowledge even when the consequences are uncomfortable. UT claims that “we are a catalyst for change,” but the institution implicitly defines that as “change within existing systems.”

While UT administrators may be heartfelt in their belief that “we are driven to solve society’s issues,” most of the so-called solutions that are generated ignore or intensify the fundamental problems of the systems.

In a culture that is short on long-term vision, universities are vital spaces for critical thought. Instead of remaining trapped within the logic of existing systems, that critical thinking has to be more creative. If there is to be a decent future, we have to give up on the imperial fantasy of endless power, the capitalist fantasy of endless growth, the technological fantasy of endless comfort.

There’s a lot of intellectual work to do if we are to create such a future. What starts at UT and other universities can change the world, but only if we give up on those seductive fantasies and start facing the difficult realities.

[Robert Jensen is a professor in the School of Journalism at the University of Texas at Austin and board member of the Third Coast Activist Resource Center in Austin. He is the author of Arguing for Our Lives: Critical Thinking in Crisis Times (City Lights, coming in 2013) His writing is published extensively in mainstream and alternative media. Robert Jensen can be reached at rjensen@uts.cc.utexas.edu. Read more articles by Robert Jensen on The Rag Blog.]

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“They cling to guns or religion”

By Ed Felien  / The Rag Blog / November 20, 2012

In the 2008 Presidential Campaign, Obama committed what was thought to be a gaffe that the Republicans were quick to jump on. He said, in April, viewing the poverty in rural Pennsylvannia:

You go into these small towns in Pennsylvania and, like a lot of small towns in the Midwest, the jobs have been gone now for 25 years and nothing’s replaced them. And they fell through the Clinton Administration, and the Bush Administration, and each successive administration has said that somehow these communities are gonna regenerate and they have not.

And it’s not surprising then they get bitter, they cling to guns or religion or antipathy to people who aren’t like them or anti-immigrant sentiment or anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their frustrations.

Republicans said it was an attack on religion and an attack on the right to bear arms. And, of course, on some level, it was. It was an attack on ultraconservative religions that regard women as property and second-class citizens. It was an attack on religions that are intolerant of other faiths. And it was an attack on the bullying swagger of violence as a way of settling frustration.

It was a good way to explain how reactionary Christianity becomes the bedrock of conservatism in America, but the analysis also could have been a good way to explain reactionary Islam, reactionary Zionism, and reactionary nationalism. In many ways the statement was probably the most profound analysis to come out of that or any other Presidential campaign. Certainly nothing this year comes close to it.

It’s a shame Obama didn’t bring up that idea in the foreign policy debate that happened Oct. 22. It would go a long way toward explaining our enemies. Nations, like people, when they are frightened and feel weakened, cling to their guns and religion. Al Qaeda does. So do the Pashtoon in Afghanistan, the mullahs in Iran, and the Zionist settlers in the West Bank in Palestine. The religions won’t explain the conditions of oppression, but they offer a cultural reaffirmation and a justification for violence.

The current situation in Greece offers the best contemporary example of reactionary nationalism. A Washington Post article by Anthony Faiola published on Saturday, Oct. 20, said:

“As deeply indebted European nations undergo waves of harsh government cuts in exchange for European Union-backed bailouts, observers warn that the fabric of society in some countries is being stretched to its breaking point. As countries trim spending, the elderly and disabled are enduring deep reductions in aid and pensions. Workers are losing their jobs or facing sharp salary cuts. Taxes are increased in the middle of steep recessions.

“One in every four Greeks is without work. Youth unemployment is above 50 percent. The suicide rate is climbing.

“The collapsed economy is fertile ground for the Golden Dawn. (T)he party won its first-ever seats in Parliament in May with 7 percent of the vote. A recent poll showed that 22 percent of Greeks view the party favorably.

“In 1987, the magazine of the party — headed by Nikolaos Michaloliakos, a former commando in the Greek special forces — published an issue hailing Hitler as ‘the great man of the 20th century.’ On a recent visit to the help bureau, a poster heralding the Third Reich’s 1936 Berlin Games hung on a wall.

“Since the Golden Dawn’s rise to office this year, immigrant communities across Greece are reporting what they describe as a reign of terror. In the America Square neighborhood of Athens, for instance, immigrants have begun organizing night watches after shopkeepers had their storefronts vandalized and immigrant men were assaulted. Earlier this month, residents say, a group of Greek men dressed in black stripped and humiliated an Ethiopian woman.”

Most Americans don’t know the role that the CIA played in setting up the first Greek government after World War II. The partisans who had been fighting the German Nazis and the Italian Fascists were mainly made up of communists, socialists and progressives. Churchill and the CIA wanted to support the reinstatement of the monarchy. They armed traditional elements in the Greek military, and after the Allied victory they re-armed the fascist collaborators. In 1947 the Truman Doctrine supported authoritarian regimes in Turkey, Iran and Greece and suppressed leftist democratic movements. By 1949 the communists in Greece had been defeated and fled the country. Neo-Fascist elements in the Greek military supported by the CIA had a heavy influence in the continuing Greek governments, and The Regime of the Colonels, from 1967 to 1974, was a period of overt military dictatorship sponsored by the CIA. These elements nurtured by the CIA are still active in the military and police. One of the leaders of Golden Dawn said recently that 40 to 50% of the police supported them, and, from the Washington Post: “Greek Justice Minister Antonis Roupakiotis said he is concerned about the party’s alleged ties to the police and military.” Is the U. S. preparing for another military dictatorship in Greece?

In the debate Romney criticized Obama for an “Apology Tour.” And Obama insisted he never apologized for America.

Well, that’s too bad because there are apologies due.

We could start by apologizing to Greece.

We could apologize to Iran for overthrowing the democratically elected government of Mossadegh and installing the Shah on a Peacock Throne. The CIA-trained SAVAK was probably the most brutal and lethal of all secret police in the Middle East. That could be why many Iranians still think of us as the Great Satan.

We could apologize to Guatemala for overthrowing the democratically elected government of Jacobo Arbenz in 1954. The CIA and School of Americas-trained military waged a forty-year war of extermination against the indigenous peoples that ended up costing more than 200,000 lives. Remnants of that military dictatorship still run the country.

We could apologize to Chile for overthrowing the democratically elected Allende government and installing the brutal dictatorship of Pinochet.

The list goes on.

We could apologize to Vietnam. In his book, “Mandate for Change,” Eisenhower admitted that even though we signed the peace treaty that ended the French-Indo-China War and agreed to abide by it, we unilaterally cancelled the elections that were supposed to happen re-unify the country because he believed the communists would win. Instead we fought the Vietnamese at a cost of a million Vietnamese lives and 50,000 of our own. And after all that bloodshed, what was the result? The country became unified under the communists, and just recently Vietnamese naval officers were invited to participate in a united show of force with America against China in the South China Sea.

Mitt Romney has said, “The best ally world peace has ever known is a strong America.” And in the debate he said: America is the “torch of freedom and opportunity” and the “hope of the earth.”

Unfortunately, most people in America believe that, and most people in the world know better. Americans have no understanding of the role the CIA has played in undermining democracy throughout the world. There is a dangerous disconnect between how we see ourselves and how we are seen by others.

But the major focus of the foreign policy debate was the Great Game being played in the Middle East. In the early part of the nineteenth century, the British coined the phrase, “The Great Game,” to describe the power politics between Britain and Russia for control over countries in the Middle East. The Crimean War was the bloodiest conflict, involving all of Europe against Russia, fighting over Turkey and the remnants of the Ottoman Empire. They tilted over Afghanistan—the primary source of opium for British traders to sell in China. China was forced to accept the British trade in opium after losing the Opium Wars in 1842 and 1860. The game between Russia and Britain moved eastward to Mongolia and Tibet, and all the while Britain was carefully protecting its prized possession, India, the jewel in the Empress’s crown.

The Great Game continues with the U. S. moving the chess pieces. We now control the flow of opium out of Afghanistan and heroin out of Pakistan. We control the oil out Iraq and Saudi Arabia. We do it with night raids—breaking into homes, arresting suspects without due process like the Nazis in the 1930’s arresting Jews and political undesirables. We do it with the anonymous terror of drone strikes, sometimes the uninvited guest at a wedding party, killing innocent women and children. We are duplicating the horror of 9/11 on a smaller but daily basis for small farmers in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia. Osama bin Laden directed one strike from his cave on 9/11. Barack Obama directs strikes every day as he moves his pawns into play.

Edna St. Vincent Millay, in her play Aria da Capo, wrote:

Thyrsis: Oh, yes….I know a game worth two of that:
Let’s gather rocks, and build a wall between us;
And say that over there belongs to me,
And over here to you!

Corydon: Why – very well.
And say you may not come upon my side
Unless I say you may!

Thyrsis: Nor you on mine!
And if you should, ‘twould be the worse for you!

Corydon: Come, let us separate
…and lay a plot whereby
We may out do each other.

Corydon: Oh, Thyrsis, just a minute!-all of the water
Is on your side the wall, and the sheep are thirsty.
I hadn’t thought of that.

Thyrsis: Oh, hadn’t you?

Corydon: Why, what do you mean?

Thyrsis: What do I mean? – I mean
That I can play a game as well as you can.
And if the pool is on my side, it’s on
My side, that’s all.

Corydon: You mean you’d let the sheep go thirsty?

Thyrsis: …if you try
To lead them over here, you’ll wish you hadn’t!

[The two men grow increasingly suspicious and angry. But then they feel awful.]

Thyrsis: It is an ugly game. I hate it….How did it start?

Corydon: I do not know…I think
I am afraid of you!-you are a stranger! I never set eyes on you before!

[Ed Felien is publisher and editor of Southside Pride, a South Minneapolis monthly. Read more articles by Ed Felien on The Rag Blog.]

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The FBI vs. the People of Berkeley

By Ron Jacobs / November 14, 2012

November 4, 1980, 9:00 p.m. Jimmy Carter had conceded the presidential election earlier that evening. Hundreds of people gathered at the Shattuck Avenue BART station in downtown Berkeley, California. Most of them were angry and concerned. The man who had made their city the target of his wrath and the foil for his dreams of running the state of California was now slated to rule the United States.

After a brief speech from a university student, the crowd moved into the streets shouting slogans against Ronald Reagan and his fascist entourage. As we walked through Berkeley’s neighborhoods, the crowd swelled to at least 2,000 marchers. Drummers pounded out a beat; trumpeters played New Orleans funeral music; and the chanting grew louder and louder with each meter we traversed.

Eventually we ended up in People’s Park, where Reagan’s forces had murdered a man and permanently injured several others. After a short speak-out, an effigy of the new leader of the U.S. was burned. We left with plans to meet up the next day on UC Berkeley’s Sproul Plaza.

The next day at noon an even larger crowd gathered on the plaza and listened to music and speeches against the Reagan future. Then, a few hundred of us walked past the UC police and into the campus administration building. We occupied the building until the police removed us. The Reagan years were upon the nation. Things would never be the same.

Reading Seth Rosenfeld’s book on the subversion of California’s civil rights and civil liberties it is hard to figure out why any U.S. citizen except for those on the far right would consider Ronald Reagan to be a decent human being. I have searched for a word that describes my thoughts about him — thoughts that were reawakened reading this book.

The only word I could come up with is a simple one. It leaves little room for misinterpretation and fits the man being named well. That word is “pig.”

Rosenfeld’s book, titled Subversives: The FBI’s War on Student Radicals, and Reagan’s Rise to Power, is a detailed narrative relating the intense attention the law enforcement infrastructure in DC and Sacramento paid to the radical activity taking place in Berkeley, CA. during the 1960s and 1970s. Culled from FBI files reluctantly released under the Freedom of Information Act (after years of court wrangling between Rosenfeld and the agency), interviews, news articles and information from other police agencies, this text provides a revealing look at the nature of the forces arrayed against left-leaning movements for change in the United States. It is also a foray into the networks of informants, undercover operatives, and other individuals that help those police agencies subvert organizations devoted to such change.

The book reflects the paranoia of FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, his reliance on rabid right wing anti-communists for information, and the consequent heightening of that paranoia. Rosenfeld details Ronald Reagan’s intimate relationship with the Bureau and the Bureau’s manipulation of the University’s Board of Regents and the Governor’s office in its determination to impose Hoover’s politics on the university. The uninitiated might be surprised at the intimacy between ultra-right individuals and the government of California. They might also be surprised at the way these individuals painted Clark Kerr, the president of the University of California, as a co-conspirator with communists and anarchists in a concerted effort to destroy the university. They might be even more surprised to read that Reagan and the right-wingers he took advice from believed that this operation was directed by foreign powers in Moscow and Beijing. Yet, this was how the FBI functioned.

Since the publication of Subversives, there has been a fair amount of discussion about the book amongst individuals involved in antiwar and antiracist activities in the 19609s and 1970s. Rosenfeld names various regents, educators and right wing political operatives as informants on university faculty and staff. He also describes Ronald Reagan’s role as an informant to the FBI. One revelation, of a more questionable veracity, is Rosenfeld’s claim that Black Panther member Richard Aoki may have been an informant. Now, for anyone who worked with Aoki at any time during his political life, this information seems quite farfetched. Indeed, most folks who have spoken up since the book’s publication have stated quite clearly that this claim is just not true. Others have read not only the book, but the redacted files Rosenfeld used in the writing of the book. Let me quote from activist/musician and friend of Aoki Fred Ho’s response to the Rosenfeld claim (published by the San Francisco BayView):

Here is where the timid scholars who’ve responded to Rosenfeld can’t engage: the political realm. I have argued before that should that informant be Richard Aoki, then his contributions to social change (elevating the ideological engagement of radicals, both then and to the end of his life; the leadership in establishing ethnic studies; his return to activism in the 1990s to fire a new generation of radicals; etc.) should be the primary evaluation to challenge and disavow these allegations. Richard Aoki did not service the U.S. Empire. He did not foment division, dissent, disruption and debilitation, but the opposite: he provided revolutionary leadership, inspiration, discipline, training and was exemplary.

The fact is Aoki was a Black Panther and a revolutionary before he was anything else. No amount of redacted files can change this. When I was researching my book The Way the Wind Blew: A History of the Weather Underground, I remained overly skeptical of information I got from government intelligence files. My experience with the information in those files was that it more often than not was tailored to the politics and prejudices of whoever was providing it. Given the rabid racism, sexism and anticommunism of the FBI under Hoover, everything in their COINTELPRO files is suspect. Using them as one’s only source without verification from others is certain to lead to false conclusions. Naturally, I did not and neither does Rosenfeld.

Despite the apparent question around Aoki, the story Rosenfeld tells is remarkable in its detail and complexity. By localizing his efforts to the state of California and, specifically, the city of Berkeley, he has provided a telling tapestry of a movement to change a nation and the chilling efforts of that nation’s authorities to destroy that movement. Not only a good history, Subversives is also a useful textbook for today’s activists, especially when considering the police attacks on Occupy and other protests in the past months; the imprisonment of anarchists in the Pacific Northwest, and the FBI raids (and ongoing investigation) of antiwar activists across the nation in 2011

[Rag Blog contributor Ron Jacobs is the author of The Way The Wind Blew: A History of the Weather Underground. He recently released a collection of essays and musings titled Tripping Through the American Night. His latest novel, The Co-Conspirator’s Tale, is published by Fomite. His first novel, Short Order Frame Up, is published by Mainstay Press. Ron Jacobs can be reached at ronj1955@gmail.com. Find more articles by Ron Jacobs on The Rag Blog.]

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Alice Embree / Terry DuBose : Defend the Soldiers’ Right to Heal

Under the Hood contingent at Veterans Day Parade, Killeen, Texas, Saturday, November 10, 2012. Photo by Susan Van Haitsma / The Rag Blog.

Defend the right to heal:
Veterans’ Day parade in Killeen

As the deployments wind down from this decade of combat, service members are finding that their access to medical care is restricted, denied, delayed, and stigmatized.

By Alice Embree | The Rag Blog | November 15, 2012

See story by Terry J. DuBose and photos by Alice Embree and Susan Van Haitsma, Below.

Malachi Muncy’s vision was obscured, but he could hear a boy’s voice saying: “It’s a soldier in a pill bottle. Break out! Break out!”
The boy, a spectator along the Veterans Day parade route in Killeen, Texas, got it. So did most of those who saw Under the Hood’s message on Saturday, November 10.

Under the Hood (UtH) is a GI coffeehouse that opened in 2009 in Killeen, a mile from Fort Hood, the largest U.S. military post in the world. The UtH contingent marched for the second time in Killeen’s Veterans’ Day event. Three veterans led the march with this banner: “Honor All Who Served: Defend Service Members’ and Veterans’ Right to Heal.”

Behind the banner, on the bed of a pickup truck, was Malachi Muncy, a veteran of two Iraq deployments, a writer and an artist. Malachi had produced the pill bottle image as a print on paper made of combat uniforms. For the parade he took his art large, constructing a six-foot tall orange pill bottle with a white cap. Malachi, in uniform, stood inside the bottle, occasionally reaching his hands above him into the air. The prescription read: “RX: We Deserve Better.”

Although Malachi’s vision was somewhat limited by the orange acetate he was behind, he could hear the crowd’s response. Those seated along the parade route would begin asking each other what was on the truck, then talk amongst themselves as they realized it was a soldier in a pill bottle. There was occasional laughter, even applause. Some spectators made comments about the medicines they were on.

Along the route, UtH supporters handed out leaflets supporting soldiers’ right to heal — for real treatment beyond pills for the hidden injuries that are now so prevalent — Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, Military Sexual Trauma, and Traumatic Brain Injury.

Supporters also carried signs with the grim markers of this decade of war. “A veteran commits suicide every 80 minutes. Stop the cycle!” “There were 154 service member suicides in the first 155 days of this year. 154 suicides vs. 134 combat deaths.”

In an October 23 article, the Austin American-Statesman dug deep into the Texas face of these statistics: “Special Report: Uncounted Casualties,” reporting on the recent Texas veterans who have died of overdoses, suicide, and vehicle crashes.

As the deployments wind down from this decade of combat, service members are finding that their access to medical care is restricted, denied, delayed, and stigmatized. An appeal to Congress for redress for service members’ and Veterans’ right to heal can be found at www.RighttoHeal.org. You are urged to sign this petition and to continue to support Under the Hood — a space for free speech, peer support, and decompression.

[Alice Embree is a long-time Austin activist, organizer, and member of the Texas State Employees Union. A former staff member of underground papers The Rag in Austin and RAT in New York, and a veteran of SDS and the women’s liberation movement, she is now active with CodePink Austin and Under the Hood Café. Embree is a contributing editor to The Rag Blog and is treasurer of the New Journalism Project. Read more articles by Alice Embree on The Rag Blog.]

“Trapped.” Print by Malachi Muncy on paper made from old combat uniform.

Malachi Muncy:A veteran artist

Malachi Muncy, a veteran of two deployments to Iraq, uses art and theater to express his frustration, situation, and anger. Two of his prints, “Trapped” and “Escape,” carry strong messages in this era of record suicide rates among troops and veterans.

Malachi prints on paper made from his combat uniforms. As guerrilla theater for the Veterans’ Day Parade in Killeen, Malachi designed and built a giant pill bottle. Standing in uniform in the bottle on the back of a pickup truck his art reached hundreds along the parade route.

Malachi served in the Texas Army National Guard as a motor vehicle operator from 2003 to 2009, with service in Iraq from 2004-2005 and 2006-2007. He has a BA in journalism form Texas State University (TSU) and is currently pursuing a BA in English.

Malachi’s writing has appeared in the Copperas Cove Leader Press, SKUNK Magazine, and at RawStory.com. His poetry and prose have been included in the Warrior Writers anthologies. Malachi’s print and papermaking artwork has been exhibited at The National Veterans Art Museum in Chicago.

Malachi has volunteered as arts coordinator at Under the Hood Café, a GI Outreach Center in Killeen. He has conducted workshops there on making “combat paper” from uniforms — transforming war experiences into art. In December he will become the new manager of Under the Hood.

— Terry J. DuBose / The Rag Blog

[Terry J. DuBose, who was an organizer for Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW) in Texas, is an Associate Professor Emeritus of Diagnostic Medical Sonography at the University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences.]

“Escape.” Print by Malachi Muncy.

Photo Gallery:
Under the Hood at Veterans Day Parade

Photo by Alice Embree / The Rag Blog.

Photo by Alice Embree / The Rag Blog.

Photo by Alice Embree / The Rag Blog.

Photo by Susan Van Haitsma / The Rag Blog.

Photo by Alice Embree / The Rag Blog.

Photo by Susan Van Haitsma / The Rag Blog.

Photo by Susan Van Haitsma / The Rag Blog.

Photo by Susan Van Haitsma / The Rag Blog.

Photo by Susan Van Haitsma / The Rag Blog.

Photo by Susan Van Haitsma / The Rag Blog.

Photo by Susan Van Haitsma / The Rag Blog.

Photo by Susan Van Haitsma / The Rag Blog.

Photo by Susan Van Haitsma / The Rag Blog.

Find more photos of Under the Hood and the Veterans Day parade by Alice Embree and Susan Van Haitsma.

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Jim Simons : Judge Bill Kilgarlin Was a Different Kind of Friend

Judge William Wayne Kilgarlin. Image from the Tarlton Law Library, University of Texas at Austin.

Bill Kilgarlin:
A different kind of friend

On the Texas Supreme Court he showed his values and commitments had not changed and Texas was better for it.

By Jim Simons | The Rag Blog | November 15, 2012

It seems like most of my contributions to The Rag Blog have been inspired by the death of someone I knew and who had an influence on my life. So here we go again.

The day before the national election former Supreme Court of Texas Judge Bill Kilgarlin died in New Mexico. He had been one of the best judges to serve on that court during my professional life, nearly 50 years. He wrote decisions recognizing and defining some much needed law around the Bad Faith doctrine, which gave a consumer a cause of action against an insurance company that acted in bad faith to decline or try to underpay benefits, standard practice.

So of course the insurance companies put up big bucks to beat him and all the other people-oriented judges on the Texas Supreme Court, making it one of the worst high courts among the states. They proceeded to undo the law and create one of the more calcified, business-oriented courts to be found anywhere. And so it has continued for the last 25 or 30 years. No Democrat has been elected to it in many years.

This history is probably Bill’s legacy. But to me he was a jovial companion, onetime roommate in law school, and perhaps, above all, a big — literally and figuratively — player in two activities that stand above most of the stops along my way. One was scholastic debate and the other was the Young Democrats.

When I met Bill in the late 1950’s he was coaching debate at the University of Houston. It was probably at the Tulane college debate tournament where my colleague (as we called our partners in competition) and I, representing SMU, met the UH team in the final debate. The Kilgarlin-coached team beat us for the big trophy but I left New Orleans with a new friend. Shortly afterwards he was elected to the Texas House of Represntatives.

All of the time I knew Bill he was never so impressed with his status (he accomplished much and was well recognized for it) that he changed in how he related to friends. Nor was he reserved in sharing a pitcher of beer or celebrating an election victory. There was once a radio program called “Just Plain Bill” and it could have referred to Kilgarlin.

One example of this occurred on a steamy night in the summer of 1960. I had been in Houston with two old friends from high school days, swilling beer and carrying on, when I got into a serious argument (over money) with the guy in whose car we came to Houston. Long story short, he left me on the side of the road on South Main in a mosquito-patrolled ditch. Worse, I was broke and it was light years before cell phones.

In my beer-saturated state I could only wonder what I could do. I hardly knew anyone in Houston even if I could somehow find a phone number and call for help. I went across the street to a seedy motel where a compassionate clerk allowed me to use the phone directory and his phone to call Bill Kilgarlin. Without hesitation he came and picked me up.

I stayed over in the house where he was staying, his parents’ modest home. I was able to clear my brain and took nourishment. And to my shock, Bill offered to take me back to Austin in his incredible classic Rolls Royce, or whatever the thing was.

I thought of the guys who abandoned me in a ditch and of Kilgarlin — two different kinds of friends. He was still a member of the legislature at that time but he loved a good party and we found several in Austin in the next few days.

The atmosphere of that time among Austin liberals is captured perfectly in Bill Brammer’s classic novel, The Gay Place. I don’t remember a character one might have recognized as affable, fun loving Bill Kilgarlin, but surely he was the inspiration for some of Brammer’s Austin partiers.

After a split in the Young Democrats, Bill Kilgarlin (left), then a Harris County State Representative, and Jim Simons confer at the University YMCA. Photo by Hyatt. Image from the Daily Texan, fall of 1959.

One thing Bill loved to do at Scholz Beer Garten was to stand on a table and bellow out operatic arias or drinking songs. His refrain would reverberate thoughout the legendary Austin watering hole. In the late fall of 1960, Kilgarlin and I combined with two other friends in law school to rent a big old house right behind Scholz’s.

Beginning in 1959 when I came to the University of Texas and Bill was in law school, we were on the same side in the factional battling of the Young Democrats. We were solidly aligned with the more liberal group that statewide included Oscar Mauzy, David and Ann Richards, and many other stalwart folks such as Austin’s new tax assessor-collector Bruce Elfant’s parents, Martin and Eileen Elfant.

In so many ways, it was a fantastic group of political people and for the next five years we caroused and schmoozed both at YD functions and in bars across the state of Texas. Both Kilgarlin and I served as statewide YD officers in those years. Only in the much more serious and purposeful days of the Movement later, in the ‘60s, would I ever be that close to a group of like-minded people.

I would have a hell of a time picking which association was more fun. Like Emma Goldman, my revolution must allow dancing. I thought then that those people, with whom so many all-night strategizing sessions and all-day beer parties had illuminated my young life, would forever be my dear comrades.

But the day did come when I had to leave a meeting of liberals in 1967, the Democrats of Texas, because they were too weak-kneed or determined to avoid a subject that could diminish their chances of electing a Governor, to take a stand on principle and condemn the war in Vietnam. My friend and brother in the Movement (then new to us) Martin Wiginton and I walked out and left behind some of our best friends and allies of past political skirmishes.

It was the beginning of new strategy with new younger allies on the anti-war and civil rights fronts. New and just as deep, or deeper, bonds would be forged in the ensuing years. A radical vision and more determined assault awaited.

Bill Kilgarlin was about seven years older than me and he never left the so-called mainstream of liberal politics except, some argue, to compromise himself to then-Governor Dolph Briscoe and get himself appointed to a district judgeship in Houston around 1976. Later on the Texas Supreme Court he showed his values and commitments had not changed and Texas was better for it.

I hardly saw him at all over the last couple of decades. He moved to Santa Fe after being defeated in the special interest coup d’état of the Texas courts by the forces of darkness. Whenver I did see Kilgarlin, it was like there had been no gulf of time between us. He was as friendly and engaging as he was at the Tulane debate tournament of 1958, or in the Young Democrat wars and parties or as my roommate in that house far too near to Scholz’s for me if I wanted to get through law school.

I am glad he enjoyed his privacy, his operas, and his wine for the last years of his life in New Mexico. Most of all, I am glad to have known him.

[Jim Simons practiced law in Austin for 40 years, representing many movement activists, including anti-war GIs. Jim served as a counsel for members of the American Indian Movement who were arrested at Wounded Knee in 1974. After he retired he published his memoir Molly Chronicles in 2007. Read more articles by Jim Simons on The Rag Blog.]

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Tom Hayden : Sticking It to Wall Street

The fallen bull. Image from Tumblr.

A legacy of Occupy:
Sticking it to Wall Street

The Occupy movement energized a vanguard of voters to become more populist in their demands.

By Tom Hayden | The Rag Blog | November 15, 2012

It is unfortunate that Occupy Wall Street lost its momentum after the uprisings of 2011, because the election and its results have opened another opportunity to stick it to Wall Street and choke and reform the “great vampire squid” for another next generation. As I wrote six months ago in The Nation:

This year marks the first presidential campaign in our lifetime when the gluttony of Wall Street, the failures of capitalism, the evils of big money in politics and a discussion of fundamental reform will be front and center in election debates. No doubt the crisis that gave rise to Occupy will not be fixed by an election, but that’s beside the point. Elections produce popular mandates, and mandates spur popular activism. It’s time to organize a progressive majority.

From the general Occupy standpoint, Obama was just another Wall Street candidate, and the elections did not matter much anyway. That is a tragic view to take, since it robbed Occupy of an occasion to take credit and feel empowered — “Fired up! Ready to go!” as the Obama multitudes say. In fact, Occupy did influence the election, did influence the outcome, and did shape the mandate, without, in most cases, its members even voting for Obama. Hopefully they will try to shape the terms of the bailout ahead.

The Occupy movement influenced the political climate in which Obama and his advisers chose to attack Romney as an agent of Bain Capital; incidentally, against the strong preferences of such powerful Democratic figures as Bill Clinton and Cory Booker, the Newark mayor who publicly said he was “nauseated” by the president’s attack on private equity.

The Occupy movement energized a vanguard of voters to become more populist in their demands. The Occupy movement surely helped make it possible for Elizabeth Warren to ride the wave to Washington. And those were only some of the aftershocks of Occupy long after it faded from the streets and headlines.

Wall Street, which did everything in its considerable power to turn on and defeat Obama, now thinks it is “time to mend fences.” (New York Times, November 8, 2012) But if Obama and Axelrod retain any of their Chicago political instincts, there should be some payback before any mending takes place. If Obama is forced to compromise his preferences on the fiscal cliff, reforming Wall Street is where he should be able to implement his words from the campaign trail.

If Obama had to stock his cabinet with Wall Street players in order to avoid total economic disaster in 2009, now he can offer some new choices and directions. Where is Ralph Nader when we need him?

Obama should stick it to Wall Street and make it hurt so badly that they will never forget the screws in this lifetime.

First, Obama should encourage Harry Reid to put Elizabeth Warren on the Senate Banking Committee and empower a de facto reform bloc of Sherrod Brown, Bernie Sanders, Tammy Baldwin, Richard Blumenthal, Tom Harkin, Chris Murphy, Al Franken, Jon Tester, and Warren, among others. Let progressive populist leadership come out of the new Senate. Second, deeper public hearings should bore into the scandal and call the attention of public watchdogs over the obscure process of writing Dodd-Frank regulations on derivatives and hedge fund manipulations.

Wall Street lobbyists are already preparing a “lobbying frenzy” against the administration’s tentative plan to “apply derivatives rules to American banks trading overseas.” (New York Times, November 8, 2012) As Obama promised long ago about health care, such Wall Street plans should be exposed on television at every turn because, like mushrooms, they only grow in the dark.

This opening of the process for all to see can be achieved if there is aggressive monitoring of a U.S. senator. Wall Street somehow thinks its world will conveniently go dark as they lobby in stealth to weaken the Volcker Rule, contain the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, and legislate a diluted authority for other key agencies.

The opportunity to prolong the recent ideological and values debate may increase, not subside. On the left, an opportunity still exists to enter the debate loud and clear with concrete demands.

To “occupy” Wall Street is no longer a policy demand, if it ever was. Extending democracy to Wall Street might be a better and bolder banner — with proposals for greater disclosure, accountability, regulation in the public interest, a ban on secret donors to campaigns, a Robin Hood transactions tax, and a long state-by-state campaign to eliminate the Citizens United decision.

The theme song might be Leonard Cohen’s “Democracy Is Coming to the USA.”

[Tom Hayden is a former California state senator and leader of Sixties peace, justice, and environmental movements. He currently teaches at Pitzer College in Los Angeles. His latest book is The Long Sixties. Hayden is director of the Peace and Justice Resource center and editor of The Peace Exchange Bulletin. Read more of Tom Hayden’s writing on The Rag Blog.]

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RAG RADIO / Thorne Dreyer : Interviews with Activist David MacBryde; Author Jan Reid

Berlin-based activist David MacBryde in the KOOP studios in Austin, Texas, Friday, November 9, 2012. Photo by Tracey Schulz / Rag Radio. Inset photo below, from left: Rag Radio’s Tracey Schulz and Thorne Dreyer and guest David Macbryde. Photo by Charlie Martin / KOOP.

Rag Radio podcasts:
Our man in Berlin David MacBryde
and Ann Richards biographer Jan Reid

By Rag Radio | The Rag Blog | November 1, 2012

David MacBryde — a Berlin-based correspondent for The Rag Blog — offered a progressive perspective on developments in Germany and the Eurozone to the Rag Radio audience on Friday, November 9.

And on Friday, November 2, Ann Richards biographer Jan Reid shared the story of the legendary late Texas governor. He was joined on that show by radio journalist Frieda Werden, who worked with the Ann Richards-initiated Texas Women’s History Project.

Listen to Thorne Dreyer’s interview with David MacBryde here :


and listen to our interview with Jan Reid and Frieda Werden here :


Rag Radio is a syndicated radio show produced in the studios of KOOP-FM, a cooperatively-run all-volunteer community radio station in Austin, Texas. It is broadcast live Fridays at 2 p.m. (CST) on KOOP, 91.7-FM in Austin, and streamed live on the Internet, and is rebroadcast on WFTE-FM in Mt. Cobb and Scranton, PA., on Sunday mornings at 10 (EST).

David MacBryde, a former Austin peace and justice activist, is a faith- and economics-based social activist with roots in the Quaker church. Much of his work in Germany has involved the “Swords to Plowshares” movement, especially in the work of converting military bases to peaceful civilian use, and with the anti-war American Voices Abroad in Berlin. He discussed the European Occupy Movement and economic justice and environmental activities among other topics.

MacBryde studied physics and mathematics at Yale and philosophy at the University of Texas, was a staffer at The Rag, Austin’s influential ‘60s underground newspaper, and worked with the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and with Austin’s Armadillo Press, an IWW union print shop. He was also a UT shuttle bus driver and worked with the drivers’ union, ATU Local 1549. David MacBryde moved to Germany in 1981.

David also reported on the October 31-November 2, 2012, conference in Ann Arbor, Michigan, honoring the 50th anniversary of the Port Huron Statement, which he attended, and discussed how the SDS concept of “participatory democracy” influenced his life and his politics.

Author, journalist, and Ann Richards biographer Jan Reid, in the KOOP studios, November 2, 2012. Photo by Tracey Schulz / Rag Radio. Inset photo below, from left: Tracey Schulz and Thorne Dreyer of Rag Radio, Frieda Werden of WINGS, and author Jan Reid. Rag Radio photo.

Jan Reid, the author of Let the People In: The Life and Times of Ann Richards, is a senior writer for Texas Monthly and his writing has appeared in Esquire, GQ, Slate, and The New York Times. His other books include The Improbable Rise of Redneck Rock, The Bullet Meant for Me, Rio Grande, Texas Tornado: The Times and Music of Doug Sahm, and two award-winning novels, Deerinwater and Comanche Sundown.

Also joining us on the show was Frieda Werden of WINGS, the Women’s International News Gathering Service. Austin native Werden is also the Spoken Word Coordinator at the Simon Fraser Campus Radio Society near Vancouver, British Columbia.

When Ann Richards delivered the keynote at the 1988 Democratic National Convention (“Poor George, he can’t help it. He was born with a silver foot in his mouth”), she instantly became a media celebrity.

In 1990, Richards became the Governor of Texas. She was the first ardent feminist elected to high office in America; her progressive achievements and the force of her personality created a lasting legacy that far transcends her rise and fall as governor of Texas.

In Let the People In, Jan Reid draws on his long friendship with Ann Richards, interviews with her family and many of her closest associates, her unpublished correspondence with longtime companion Bud Shrake, and extensive research, to tell a very personal and human story of Richards’ remarkable rise to power as a liberal Democrat in a conservative Republican state.

Former President Bill Clinton wrote, “Jan Reid gives us new insight into Ann Richards, whose wit filled any room with laughter, whose candor chased away every smoke screen, whose heart was as big as Texas…”

Rag Radio features hour-long in-depth interviews and discussion about issues of progressive politics, culture, and history. The show, which has aired since September 2009, is produced in association with The Rag Blog, a progressive internet newsmagazine, and the New Journalism Project, a Texas 501(c)(3) nonprofit corporation.

The host and producer of Rag Radio is Rag Blog editor and long-time alternative journalist Thorne Dreyer, a pioneer of the Sixties underground press movement. Tracey Schulz is the show’s engineer and co-producer.

All Rag Radio shows are posted as podcasts and can be listened to at the Internet Archive.

Rag Radio can be contacted at ragradio@koop.org.

Coming up on Rag Radio:
THIS FRIDAY, November , 2012: Singer-Songwriter — and multiple Austin Music Awards winner — Guy Forsyth.

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Lamar W. Hankins : Government Plus Religion is No-Win Situation

Image from Change Comes Slow.

No one wins when government
forces religion on everyone

If public officials believe that religious worship is important, perhaps they should meet in a conference room before the meeting and pray together with their chosen clergy.

By Lamar W. Hankins | The Rag Blog | November 14, 2012

SAN MARCOS, Texas — Those who see no harm in beginning a meeting of a city council, school board, or commissioners court with prayer owe it to the Constitution to take a few minutes and consider the perspective that the First Amendment’s prohibition against an establishment of religion means that the government is not allowed to force any religion — or religion itself — on its citizens.

For the moment, I will put aside the issue of sectarian versus nonsectarian prayer and focus on any prayer, whatever its content. Put simply, prayer is communicating with God or gods. Prayer is an act of religious worship. It is the most universal form of religious practice that I know of. There should be no doubt that prayer is a religious practice: people who are not religious or do not believe in the supernatural do not pray. Only religious people pray.

The prayer invocations regularly offered before meetings of government bodies are usually directed toward a deity, spirit, or amorphous supernatural being. They often express everyone’s reliance on the being and their desire to please said being. Usually they request guidance or help from the being and occasionally ask for special favors, such as rain or assistance for improving the performance of a favored athletic team.

When the government sponsors, promotes, or establishes prayer as a part of its activities, it is sponsoring, promoting, or establishing a religious practice, an integral part of religious worship. If any person wants to participate in the civic life of the community by attending, speaking at, or observing the meetings of elected officials who begin their meetings with prayer, that person must submit to a religious practice.

If the Supreme Court has been clear about anything in this area of jurisprudence, it is that the government may not sponsor, promote, or establish religion or religious practices, although it has permitted prayer not identified with a particular religion (nonsectarian prayer), because it views such prayer as insignificant, if not irrelevant.

For most elected officials, it seems that having an invocation before a meeting of a government body means offering a prayer. But “invocation” need not be so narrowly construed. Merriam-Webster defines invocation in other ways: “the act or process of petitioning for help or support” and “a calling upon for authority or justification.” Neither of these definitions necessarily suggests that an invocation be addressed to a god.

An invocation can be addressed to the governing body (rather than to a deity), to remind its members of their responsibility to serve the greater good; to respect the dignity of all citizens; to show no favoritism based on personal interest, race, religion, or party affiliation; to be open to the ideas of others; to use reason devoid of cant and deceit; to display compassion when that is needed; to seek answers to our problems through the ingenuity of our people; and to honor other ideals inherent in our history. An invocation need not be an act of religious worship or practice.

When it comes to fashioning an invocation for a home-rule city like the City of San Marcos, its charter will provide specific responsibilities of the city council that should be carried out, the goals of the city, the proper behavior expected of city officials, and any general standard that should always be kept in mind, such as “devotion to the best interest of the City.” There is no better way to help public officials always be aware of why they were elected than to regularly remind them of their proper role as found in their local constitution.

If an invocation is intended to set a tone for a meeting of our elected leaders, these suggestions seem to accomplish that purpose, and they do so without engaging in any religious practice or worship. If they express opinions about how the body or its citizens should act that the listener disagrees with, that listener should be able to get on the invocation list and offer a non-prayer invocation that he or she believes is more in keeping with our shared values and the purpose of the governing body.

Part and parcel of the prayer problem is limiting who may give invocations to clergy. Clergy are expected to pray. That is why they are invited to give the invocation. All of the official invocation policies that I have seen single out clergy to provide the invocations — clear evidence that the purpose of the invocation is to engage in the practice of religion.

Many of our elected representatives are religionists first and public officials second. It should be the other way around. Religionists want to use the government to impose their religious beliefs on the rest of the population, ignoring the rights of all citizens to have the autonomy to make their own religious and moral decisions.

This was the case with both the Hays County Commissioners Court and the San Marcos City Council. When Jim Powers began his tenure as Hays County Judge and Susan Narvaiz began her tenure as Mayor of San Marcos, both decided for their own religious reasons to have their respective governmental bodies begin using prayers to start their meetings. They used their public positions to have the government promote their private religious beliefs. For many decades, both bodies had functioned just fine without the prayerful invocations.

Having the government force religious positions on other people has always created great turmoil in society, and it has corrupted both the government and the religious groups involved. For these reasons, the drafters of the Constitution sought to keep government out of religion.

They had seen what happened in England to religious liberty when the state and religion are intertwined, and they had witnessed the disorder, dissension, and destruction brought about in various colonies by an alliance between government and religion. James Madison was aware also of the example of Holland where religion and government were kept separate so that each person had full religious freedom and freedom of conscience.

Even the Texas Constitution, in spite of its frequently inappropriate religiosity (much of which has been invalidated by the Supreme Court as infringing on the guarantees and provisions of the U.. Constitution), provides that no one “shall be compelled to attend, erect or support any place of worship, or to maintain any ministry against his consent. No human authority ought, in any case whatever, to control or interfere with the rights of conscience in matters of religion, and no preference shall ever be given by law to any religious society or mode of worship.”

This is precisely what religious prayers as invocations do to all the citizenry. They maintain a ministry without the consent of all those who want to participate in local government. They interfere with the right of conscience in matters of religion. They give preference to certain religious groups and subject those in attendance at meetings to religious worship.

Those who suggest that anyone who disagrees with the prayers can absent themselves from that part of the meeting have not thought fully about this suggestion. The way the San Marcos City Council functions, for instance, it is not possible to know when the invocation will be held. The Council often begins meetings with lengthy workshops, starts the business meeting by convening into executive session, delays the invocation until after other business is conducted, or waits until the clergy scheduled to give the invocation arrives at the meeting.

Should the Mayor announce in advance that a moment will be given for all those who don’t want to engage in prayer to leave the room? Will that person’s seat be saved or taken by another during the person’s absence? Avoiding the prayer requires leaving the building because the meeting is broadcast outside the council chambers for those who can’t find a seat or want to stay in the foyer. Who will tell those who have left the building when the prayer is over?

But the very suggestion that those not wanting to engage in a religious practice can leave the meeting is to acknowledge that the activity is religious activity, which should not be sponsored, promoted, or established by a government body under the Constitution.

I have never understood the mindset of public officials who believe that they have the right as elected officials to impose their religion and religious practices, or anyone’s religious practices, on the citizens by virtue of their public positions.

The author, editor, political commentator, and blogger Andrew Sullivan is a devout and ardent Roman Catholic. In a colloquy with atheist author and neuroscientist Sam Harris in 2007, they addressed the question of how a person of such strong belief as Sullivan can resist inflicting his religious beliefs on others. His answer is relevant to elected officials who assume the right to do this very thing to us all.

Sullivan responded to the question posed:

You ask legitimately: how can I, convinced of this truth (about Christianity), resist imposing it on others? The answer is: humility and doubt. I may believe these things, but I am aware that others may not; and I respect their own existential decision to believe something else. I respect their decision because I respect my own, and realize it is indescribable to those who have not directly experienced it.

That’s why I am such a dogged defender of pluralism and secularism — because I believe secularism alone does justice to the profundity of the claims of religion. The attempt to force or even rig laws to encourage others to share my faith defeats the point of my faith — which is that it is both freely chosen and definitionally dealing with matters that cannot be subject to common consensus.

If public officials believe that religious worship is important, perhaps they should meet in a conference room before the meeting and pray together with their chosen clergy. Then, filled with righteousness from their religious worship, they can enter the meeting room in the frame of mind of their choice, gavel the meeting to order, and get on with doing the people’s business, without subjecting the people to forced religious worship.

In this way our elected officials can show respect for the pluralism of this society, the U.S. Constitution, and the conscience of every citizen.

The Bill of Rights became a part of our Constitution over 220 years ago. It is time that all of the First Amendment of that Constitution was followed. No one has a constitutional right to use the government to sponsor, promote, or establish religion; but everyone has the constitutional right to be free from government sponsorship, promotion, or establishment of religion.

It should not be too much to ask that this freedom be honored. That would be true religious liberty for all.

[Lamar W. Hankins, a former San Marcos, Texas, city attorney, is also a columnist for the San Marcos Mercury. This article © Freethought San Marcos, Lamar W. Hankins. Read more articles by Lamar W. Hankins on The Rag Blog.]

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Alan Waldman : ‘Rebus’ is Fine Scottish Cop Series

The grizzled Ken Stott played the older Rebus. The earlier shows featured John Hannah (inset photo below).

Waldman’s film and TV
treasures you may have missed:

Rebus is an excellent Scottish TV series based on Ian Rankin’s outstanding mystery-crime novels. Fourteen episodes of this fine Edinburgh cop show aired from 2000-2007.

By Alan Waldman | The Rag Blog | November 13, 2012

[In his weekly column, Alan Waldman reviews some of his favorite films and TV series that readers may have missed, including TV dramas, mysteries, and comedies from Canada, England, Ireland, and Scotland.]

Scotland has produced an outstanding literary genre called “Tartan Noir” with crime novels from 13 Hibernian writers. New books by the two most prominent of them, Ian Rankin and Val McDermid, usually top the British bestseller lists.

McDermid’s wonderful Tony Hill series inspired the outstanding 2002-2008 British TV series Wire in the Blood (whose 23 gripping episodes, starring the terrific Robson Green, are all also available on Netflix and Netflix Instant).

Since 1987, Ian Rankin has written 25 pulse-pounding police mysteries — 18 of them featuring Edinburgh Inspector John Rebus. They have inspired the 14 episodes of Rebus that have aired on worldwide television from 2000 to 2007 (with others possibly to follow in coming years).

The first four episodes starred handsome, gifted young Scottish actor John Hannah, and as the Rebus character aged, the next 10 were toplined by grizzled, extremely talented Ken Stott. I strongly recommend all these episodes (and the Wire in the Blood ones), although I will admit that they are pretty dark and some of the crimes are rather creepy.

Critics loved the books and the series, and more than 93.9% of viewers who rated Rebus at Internet Movie Database gave it thumbs-up, while 19.1% gave it a perfect 10.

Rankin’s books have won the prestigious Edgar and Diamond Dagger awards as well as major honors in France, Germany, and Denmark. They have been translated into 22 languages and are bestsellers on several continents.

Because they are mostly set in and around Edinburgh, I follow Rebus’s cases with a detailed map of that fascinating city handy.

My wife and I heard Rankin speak a few years ago, when he revealed an amusing fact. When he wrote the first book, Rebus was 44 years old, and he aged in real time over the next 21 years, until he was 65 — the age when Scottish police inspectors have to retire. A fan who was a minister in the Scottish parliament didn’t want Rebus to retire, ending the series, so she introduced a bill raising the retirement age for Edinburgh detectives to 70.

The actual detectives were outraged at the idea that they might have to work five more years — because of the pending retirement of a fictional character.

I recently learned that a new Rebus novel, Standing in Another Man’s Grave, is due out soon.

[Oregon writer and Houston native Alan Waldman holds a B.A. in theater arts from Brandeis University and has worked as an editor at The Hollywood Reporter and Honolulu magazine. Read more of Alan Waldman’s articles on The Rag Blog.]

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