Scott Roeder : The Anti-Abortion Zealotry of the Radical Right

Right wing militant Scott Roeder, accused of murdering Dr. George Tiller. Photo from Sedgwick County Jail.

The [right wing] nationalists, including a more virulent white nationalist extreme, are gathering strength and getting bold, even though they are still a militant minority.

By Carl Davidson / The Rag Blog / June 4, 2009

See ‘Racism, Anti-Semitism and the Murder of Dr. Tiller’ by Leonard Zeskind, Below.

I think this is not isolated, but symptomatic of a rising problem. The rightwing camp is split between the neoliberal globalists, say Gingrich as spokesman, and the anti-global nationalists, say Dobbs, Hannity as spokesmen.

The globalists are currently weakened. But They will use legal means, but they are preparing extra-legal, armed means for taking down Obama and Democrats generally. “Rightwing Populism” is the general rubric used to fan the flames here. We have to take it seriously, and especially combat its effort to influence the working class.

This doesn’t mean being alarmist or projecting conspiracies everywhere, but still exposing and thwarting it as best as we can.

Racism, Anti-Semitism and the Murder of Dr. Tiller

By Leonard Zeskind / June 2, 2009

Scott Roeder, who is being held in a Wichita jail as a person of interest in the murder of Dr. George Tiller, is widely known for his anti-abortion zealotry. Less understood is his connection to the so-called Christian common law courts and the militia movement. In the mid-1990s, Roeder associated regularly with both Kansas militiamen and he declared him self a “sovereign” citizen, immune from the responsibilities of paying taxes or driving with a registered license plate.

The notion of “organic sovereigns” was first promoted by the Posse Comitatus, best known for its tax protest politics, but imbued also with the racist and anti-Semitic ideology known as Christian Identity. According to this doctrine, Jews are satanic creatures and people of color are less-than-fully human. And the Posse found a number of devoted followers in Kansas. At an August 1983 outdoor meeting in Cheney Lake State Park, farmers mixed with Wichita residents who believed that white Christians who renounced their ties with the “Zionist-controlled” government were “sovereigns.” Their rights trumped those they declared to be “Fourteenth Amendment” citizens — meaning people of color and non-Christians. It was an arcane theory which promoters sometimes used to justify tax protest, embezzlement and larceny. But its central tenets placed it at the heart of the white nationalist movement, which contended that the United States was, or should be, a white Christian republic rather than a multi-racial democracy.

These ideas reached their apotheosis in the mid-1990s, when a group calling itself the Freemen, set up an armed encampment on a farmstead in Montana. A noticeable nest of Freemen had established itself in Kansas, and authorities noted Roeder’s association with the Freemen at that time. After the Montana group surrendered in 1996, this particular iteration of white nationalism was pushed aside as other forms, some more openly national socialist in their orientation, took its place at the front of the movement.

This white Christian notion of sovereign citizenship remained strong long enough to mix with the unhappy edges of anti-abortion activism in Kansas — including those who had staged massive sit-ins in 1991, in an attempt to shut down Dr. Tiller’s clinic. In August 1997, in the Topeka state capitol building, a former Tiller clinic protester named Paula Drake, who had married a Posse Comitatus farmer, ran a “Christian common law court” similar to those convened by the Freemen. Although Ms. Drake was the obvious force behind this meeting of twenty-five mostly middle-aged men, she insisted that her husband was actually running the program. The Bible commanded that women must serve men, she told an observer. The same ideas that once motivated her to protest Dr. Tiller inspired her to “indict” judges and other government officials in her “court.”

The same confluence of white nationalism with anti-abortion zealotry showed its faced in the first murder of an abortion doctor, Dr. David Gunn, in 1993 in Pennsacola. In that instance the triggerman was a Joe Regular Guy named Michael Griffin. But Griffin was heavily influenced, indeed completely under the spell of a local leader named John Burt, who admitted that he was “very active” as a Klansman in St. Augustine in the 1960s. With Burt also, attacks on Dr. Gunn were of a piece with the racist violence of a previous era.

These are not simply isolated instances. Rather they represent the tip of a social movement that is completely alienated from the culture, society and government of the multi-racial, multi-ethnic American people. Their allegiance is to another set of laws and values, one in which the color of their skin is a badge of their national identity. Not all are violent, and many hope to someday win a following among a majority of white people and reclaim the country that they believe belongs to them alone.

The presidency of Barack Obama has not stilled their passions, nor was his nomination of Judge Sonia Sotomayor to the Supreme Court the only motivating factors in this killing. Something much whiter and more dangerous was let loose long before last November. And we have not heard the last of it.

[Leonard Zeskind, a resident of Kansas City and a MacArthur Fellow, is the author of Blood and Politics: The History of the White Nationalist Movement from the Margins to the Mainstream, published by Farrar Straus and Giroux in May 2009.]

Source / The Huffington Post

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Finance Universal Health Care? Legalize Cannabis

Photo from rolledtootight.com

Why is this reasonably safe compound currently forbidden when its use, as well as that of many toxic hallucinogens, goes as far back as biblical times and may indeed have been instrumental in producing, in part, the Old Testament?

By Dr. Stephen R. Keister / The Rag Blog / June 4, 2009

I have been following the health care debate in a series of articles for The Rag Blog, and anticipate doing so until the situation in the Congress is resolved. Today and in several future submissions I will digress, in part, to discuss an idea for partially financing a decent health care system in the United States akin to those in France, the Netherlands, Germany, and other industrialized nations.

I do this with a certain degree of apprehension as the mindset in this country results in an almost reflex reaction suggesting that an investigator into this subject matter is trying to attain some kind of personal gratification. Note: I have in 87 years NEVER used pot! To proceed….

Some months ago, online, I encountered a gentleman, a retired PhD in molecular biology, who was suffering from terminal lung cancer. He was mentally alert, and desired to remain so, without dulling his sensorium with opiates and sedatives. This I could well understand as he continuously produced a series of articles on the internet on science, theology, history and liberal political thinking. He introduced me to the new edition of the Jefferson Bible, a book any thinking person should find worthy of purchasing. He was surviving on marijuana which was supplied to him by a son who resided in a state where it is available for medical use.

The gentleman found that, smoking a cigarette several times a day, his discomfort was assuaged, that he could function intellectually, and that on X-ray several of the metastatic lesions were actually reduced in size. Unhappily, I have not heard from this outstanding human being in the past several weeks, thus am quite apprehensive, but the prior communication got me to thinking.

Why is this medication forbidden to other terminally ill patients to relieve the distress of their final days? Why, indeed, the prejudice against cannabis in the United States when it is available in many of the enlightened countries of the Western World? Why this peculiar mind-set when we see opium derivatives and various mind altering prescription drugs prescribed, and advertised on television, with impunity? Why is this reasonably safe compound currently forbidden when its use, as well as that of many toxic hallucinogens, goes as far back as biblical times and may indeed have been instrumental in producing, in part, the Old Testament?

Thus, I began to consider the financial and medical advantages to legalizing the substance and taxing it we do alcohol and tobacco. Concurrently, I encountered an excellent article by Clive Crook, entitled “A Criminally Stupid War on Drugs.” The author points out that legalization/taxation could net the U.S. treasury $100 billion a year. This would surely be a fine down payment on single payer/universal health care. Further, it would reduce the cost of imprisoning an estimated 500,000 people, the vast majority merely for possession, which is more folks than are imprisoned in Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Spain combined.

We will subsequently address the prejudice against this specific therapeutic agent, as opposed to many others on the market, with and without prescription, later in our discussions. It most assuredly needs further scientific and clinical investigation by the FDA and the NIH; however, there is evidence available that cannabis alkaloids may well be helpful in the treatment of Alzheimer’s Disease, various types of arthritis, asthma, brain cancer, breast cancer, glaucoma, head injuries, hypertension, and lung cancer and as a non-opiate, non-addictive pain killer. Many years ago I knew an oncologist who told his patients with severe nausea from chemotherapy where on the street their families could obtain cannabis. A regrettable way to care for the sick. Only in the USA!

An interesting but non-medical observation was called to my attention by an artist friend, that hashish was used toward the end of the 19th century in France where artists developed that strange but beautiful movement called Art Nouveau. Some art historians believe that the movement was directly related to hashish induced visions. Thus, surely if one is suffering through a terminal illness, and is in hospice care, the ability to retreat to a world of beautiful visions is surely preferable to living in a world of constant pain and suffering.

To understand this specific, near universal prejudice, one must understand the mindset in the United States. It’s all about profit, financial profit, though on the surface this might not always be apparent. We hear of concerns of a physical or moral nature; however, when the truth is out, it is about money and only about money. One must understand the pharmaceutical industry, as well as the health insurance industry, to fully appreciate how Washington is influenced. A good beginning is to read Dr. Marcia Angell’s The Truth About the Drug Companies. How They Deceive Us and What to do About it. In addition I would suggest reading “Marijuana Timeline In The United States.” We will pursue this further at a later time.

Meanwhile the fight regarding health care continues in Washington. This past Sunday Rick Scott subsidized libelous TV programming designed to untrack the debate regarding decent health care for the American people. Read “Rick Scott: Putting Profits Before People” from Think Progress. In addition, to understand the machinations behind the debate you should read “The Machinery Behind Health-Care Reform,” by Robert O’Harrow Jr. in the Washington Post.

The debate appears to center on the development of a “public health care option,” which surely would be more expensive, less efficient, and less inclusive than a single payer plan, which is desired by 65% of the public and physicians polled. However, our brave elected representatives feel a need, largely financial, to accommodate the health insurance industry, and this “compromise.” One shudders at a recent suggestion by Sen. Kennedy of Medicaid for all with an income of something like $100,000. Frightening that Sen. Kennedy has not a glimmering of an idea as to the lack of medical care this would produce. These unfortunate folks would not be able to find a physician, as the Medicaid program pays approximately 50% of a physician’s normal fee, and an influx of patients with this type of “insurance” would destroy an honest physician’s ability to meet his overhead. Even the suggested “Medicare For All” has its drawbacks as well elucidated by Joe Paduda in Campaign For America’s Future;

As I watch our elected representatives and the insurance and pharmaceutical cartels struggling with the health care issue, I am carried back to a paragraph by Walt Whitman — quoted by Peter Quinn in a recent issue of Commonweal — as he summed up the meta-partisan ethic of the kleptocracy:

“The depravity of the business classes of our country is not less than has been supposed but infinitely greater. The official services of America, national, state, and municipal, in all their branches and departments…are saturated in corruption, bribery, falsehood, and mal-administration.”

[Dr. Stephen R. Keister, a regular contributor to The Rag Blog, lives in Erie, PA. He is a retired physician who is active in health care reform. His previous articles on The Rag Blog can be found here.]

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Guantanamo Prisoners Shaming Washington

I can think of very little that is more disgusting than the words of a former commander of the Guantanamo facility (which I missed when they were uttered in June 2006). He said that three detainee suicides were not acts “of desperation but an act of asymmetric warfare against us.” I come to think that there is no humanity in those who would say such things.

Richard Jehn / The Rag Blog

Two Uighur detainees at Guantanamo hold the prison camp’s first self-styled public protest for visiting journalists Monday night in this photo cleared for release by the U.S. Department of Defense. Photo: Michelle Shephard/Toronto Star.

Gitmo protest captured on film
By Michelle Shephard / June 3, 2009

WASHINGTON – A Guantanamo Bay detainee committed suicide late Monday just hours after two Chinese Muslim captives staged the detention centre’s first public protest, increasing the pressure on U.S. President Barack Obama to outline his plan of how he will close the offshore prison.

Yemeni Muhammad Ahmad Abdallah Salih, 31, is the first prisoner to die since the White House changed hands four months ago. His suicide follows weeks of criticism from both ends of the political spectrum over the fate of the remaining 240 Guantanamo detainees.

News of the suicide was emailed to the media just as a flight bringing journalists from Guantanamo landed in Maryland. The press had been at the U.S. naval detention centre for the war crimes court hearing of Canadian Omar Khadr.

Khadr, 22, is accused of war crimes, including the murder of a U.S. soldier during a firefight in Afghanistan in July 2002.

Hours after Khadr’s brief hearing Monday, fewer than a dozen journalists on the trip, including a Toronto Star reporter, witnessed a rare unscripted moment on the base when two Uighur (pronounced Wee-gur) detainees managed to hold an impromptu protest.

The group was at an Oceanside prison known as “Camp Iguana,” where 16 Uighur and one Algerian detainee are imprisoned.

As the journalists neared the fence line, the captives held up messages written in crayon on prison-issued sketch pads, knowing the Pentagon prohibits journalists from speaking to detainees.

For a few minutes they silently turned the pages quickly, as journalists shot video, photos and scribbled down their messages.

“We are being held in prison but we have been announced innocent a corrding to the virdict in caurt,” one message said. “We need to freedom (sic).”

Another stated, “America is Double Hetler in unjustice,” seemingly comparing their treatment by the U.S. government to that of the Nazis.

The Uighur prisoners with Chinese citizenship have been cleared for release but there’s nowhere for them to go since the minority group is persecuted in its Communist-controlled homeland. The U.S. government has tried for months to find a country willing to provide the group asylum.

Reporters were ushered away from the fenced-in area shortly after the Uighurs had their written protest. One of the captives yelled as the gate was locked behind the group: “Is Obama Communist or a Democrat? We have the same operation in China.”

Journalists were later forbidden from sending photos or video footage of the signs until Guantanamo officials received clearance from the White House – which didn’t come until about 14 hours later.

Pentagon ground rules signed by reporters stipulate that images of detainees must be pre-screened and cannot identify the captives due to regulations in the Geneva Conventions prohibiting the exploitation of prisoners of war.

Hours after the protest guards found Salih unresponsive in his cell in a separate area of the prison and attempts to revive him failed.

He had been held without charges at Guantanamo since February 2002 and appeared to have joined a lengthy hunger strike, according to medical records released in response to an Associated Press lawsuit.

Three detainee suicides in June 2006 under the George W. Bush administration drew international outrage, further fuelled by comments about the military’s reaction.

“They have no regard for human life, neither ours nor their own,” then-Guantanamo commander Rear Adm. Harry Harris Jr. said. “I believe this was not an act of desperation but an act of asymmetric warfare against us.”

Source / Toronto Star

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Capable of Learning Nothing from Almost Any Experience

Graceful Reprieve – art by William O’Connor.

Happy Days: Reprieve
By Tim Kreider / June 2, 2009

Fourteen years ago I was stabbed in the throat. This is kind of a long story and it’s not the point of this essay. The point is that after my unsuccessful murder I wasn’t unhappy for an entire year.

Winston Churchill’s quote about the exhilaration of being shot at without result is verifiably true. I was reminded of an old Ray Bradbury story, “The Lost City of Mars,” in which a man finds a miraculous machine that enables him to experience his own violent death over and over again, as many times as he likes — in locomotive collisions, race car crashes, exploding rockets — until he emerges flayed of all his free-floating guilt and unconscious longing for death, forgiven and free, finally alive.

I started brewing my own dandelion wine in a big Amish crock. I listened to old pop songs too stupid to name in print.

I’m not claiming I was continuously euphoric the whole time; it’s just that, during that grace period, nothing much could bother me or get me down. The sort of horrible thing that I’d always dreaded was going to happen to me had finally happened. I figured I was off the hook for a while. In a parallel universe only two millimeters away from this one (the distance between the stiletto and my carotid), I had been flown home in the cargo hold instead of in coach. Everything in this one, as far as I was concerned, was gravy.

My friends immediately mocked me out of my self-consciousness about the nerve damage that had left me with a lopsided smile. I started brewing my own dandelion wine in a big Amish crock. I listened to old pop songs too stupid to name in print. And I developed a strange new laugh that’s stayed with me to this day — a loud, raucous, barking thing that comes from deep in the diaphragm and makes people in bars or restaurants look over at me for a second to make sure I’m not about to open up on the crowd with a weapon.

I wish I could recommend this experience to everyone. It’s a cliché that this is why people enjoy thrill-seeking pastimes ranging from harmless adrenaline fixes like roller coasters to suicide attempts with safety nets, like bungee jumping. The catch is that to get the full effect you have to be genuinely uncertain that you’re going to survive. The best approximation would be to hire an incompetent hit man to assassinate you.

It’s one of the maddening perversities of human psychology that we only notice we’re alive when we’re reminded we’re going to die, sort of the same way some of us only appreciate our girlfriends after they’re exes. I saw the same thing happen, in a more profound and lasting way, to my father when he was terminally ill, and then to my mother after he died; an almost literal lightening, a flippant indifference to the silly, quotidian nonsense that preoccupies most of us and ruins so much of our lives. A neighbor was suing my father for some reason or other during his illness, but if you tried to talk to him about such “serious” matters he’d just sing you old songs like “A Bird In a Gilded Cage” in a high, quavering old-man falsetto. When my mother, who’s now a leader in her church, sees people squabbling over minutiae or personal politics, she reminds them, diplomatically I’m sure, to focus on the larger context.

It’s easy now to dismiss that year as nothing more than a sort of hysterical high. But you could also try to think of it as a glimpse of grace.

It didn’t last, of course. You can’t feel grateful to be alive your whole life any more than you can stay passionately in love forever — or grieve forever, for that matter. Time forces us all to betray ourselves and get back to the busywork of living in the world. Before a year had gone by the same dumb everyday anxieties and frustrations began creeping back. I’d be disgusted to catch myself yelling in traffic, pounding on my computer, lying awake at night wondering what was going to become of me.

Once a year on my stabbiversary I remind myself that this is still my bonus life, a free round. But now that I’m back down in the messy, tedious slog of everyday emotional life, I have to struggle to keep things in what I still insist is their true perspective. I know intellectually that all the urgent, pressing items on our mental lists — taxes, car repairs, our careers, the headlines — are so much idiot noise, and that what matters is spending time with people you love. It’s just hard to bear in mind when the hard drive crashes.

I was not cheered, a few years ago, to read about psychological studies suggesting that most people inevitably return to a certain emotional baseline after circumstantial highs and lows. You’d like to think that nearly getting killed would be a major, permanently life-altering experience, but in truth it was less painful, and occasioned less serious reflection, than certain breakups I’ve gone through. If anything, it only reinforced the illusion that in the story of my life only supporting characters would die, while I, its protagonist and first-person narrator, would survive. I’ve demonstrated an impressive resilience in the face of valuable life lessons, and the main thing I seem to have learned from this one is that I am capable of learning nothing from almost any experience.

I don’t know why we take our worst moods so much more seriously than our best ones, crediting depression with more clarity than euphoria. It’s easy now to dismiss that year as nothing more than the same sort of shaky, hysterical high you’d experience after being clipped by a taxi. But you could also try to think of it as a glimpse of grace. It’s like the revelation I had when I was a kid the first time I ever flew in an airplane: when you break through the cloud cover you realize that above the passing squalls and doldrums there is a realm of eternal sunlight, so keen and brilliant you have to squint against it, a vision to hold onto and take back with you when you descend once more beneath the clouds, under the oppressive, petty jurisdiction of the local weather.

[Tim Kreider’s articles have appeared in Film Quarterly and The New York Times and his cartoon “The Pain — When Will It End?” has appeared in the Baltimore City Paper since 1997. His Web site is thepaincomics.com.]

Source / New York Times

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Obama’s Middle East Policy: Dependent on the All-Important Follow-Through

A souvenir shop owner displays a metal plaque for sale to tourists in Cairo, Egypt, on May 28, ahead of President Obama’s June 4 speech. Photo: AP Photo/Ben Curtis.

Obama, Muslim-world rock star
By Juan Cole / June 3, 2009

They like him, they really like him! Well, maybe not so much in Egypt. But they’re willing to give him a chance.

President Barack Obama is famously much better at playing basketball than at bowling. But to succeed in the Middle East, he needs to be good at a different game altogether: golf. There are no fast-paced victories to be had here, no dunks, no three-point shots. As in golf, the sand traps and roughs are treacherous and the course is slow, and there is time for players to quarrel and throw their irons about petulantly. Above all, as in golf, the secret of a good swing is a strong follow-through.

Obama, who begins a trip to the region Wednesday, starts his term much more popular in the Middle East than his predecessor, George W. Bush. Last year, in many Muslim-majority countries, including U.S. allies such as Turkey, Bush often had favorability ratings in the single digits, neck and neck with Osama bin Laden. In contrast, a new opinion poll released by the Brookings Institution shows that in six Middle Eastern states, Obama comes in at 45 percent favorable, and if Egypt is subtracted, the proportion soars to 60 percent. As Obama prepares to make a major address to the world’s 1.5 billion Muslims, can he capitalize on his rock-star status in Riyadh and Beirut to go beyond celebrity glitter to concrete achievements that would benefit both the United States and the Muslim world?

The Brookings poll shows that just three issues are cited by most Arab respondents as determinative of their view of the United States. In order, they are Iraq, the plight of the Palestinians, and attitudes toward the Arab and Muslim worlds. Interestingly, the war in Afghanistan, democracy promotion, and the issues around Iran have very little resonance among Arab publics. Iraq was cited as the key issue by 42 percent in six countries polled, so it is fair to conclude that Obama’s stock in the Arab world, at least, is likely to rise or fall on how well he handles his planned military disengagement from that country.

The truth is that Obama’s task in the Arab world is more difficult and more important than elsewhere. He is wildly popular in Indonesia, the world’s most populous Muslim nation, where he spent some of his childhood and from whence hailed his stepfather. Likewise, West African Muslims overwhelmingly supported his presidential bid last year. The U.S., however, does relatively little trade with either region, and they have not traditionally been central to its foreign policy. The 325 million Arabs are a minority of Muslims worldwide (and not all Arabs are Muslim), but Arab Muslims are disproportionately influential among their co-religionists and, because of their energy resources and strategic position between Europe and Afro-Asia, are especially important to the United States and its allies. They are the Muslims who are most skeptical about Obama.

Obama will begin his Middle East tour with a visit to Saudi Arabia, a move warmly greeted by Saudi Op-Ed writer Abdul Malik Ahmad Al-Sheikh. The latter noted that Saudi Arabia is the holy land for Muslims, the site of the sacred cities of Mecca and Medina, while Egypt has been a center of pan-Arab nationalism. Obama’s itinerary thus honors both the key religious and political symbols for Arab Muslims. Al-Sheikh glowed, “The step you are taking also comes to honor what you promised the day you were sworn in as President of the United States of America, a day on which you extended your hand to the Islamic world, something which was not done by any American President before you.” Pleading for an end to the oppression of the Palestinians, he quoted Alexander Hamilton to the effect that “the sacred rights of mankind” cannot be found in old parchments, but are rather “written, as with a sun beam, in the whole volume of human nature, by the hand of the divinity itself.” Al-Sheikh concluded that the American founding fathers agreed that rights are “Allah-given.”

His next stop, Egypt, is perhaps the toughest room for the president to work. Obama faces the difficult challenge of convincing the sullen Egyptian public that the U.S. does not covet Arab land and resources, and that it can be an honest broker between the Israelis and the Palestinians. Along the Nile, anger toward Israel, in the wake of the Lebanon and Gaza wars and ever-expanding Israeli settlements in the West Bank, is probably higher than at any time since the 1970s. Public opinion is even more negative in Jordan, but there are 20 Egyptians for every Jordanian. Egypt is the most populous Arab country, with a third of the total Arab population, and it is an important political and cultural center. These are the reasons Obama chose it as the venue for his speech.

Washington has a poor track record when it comes to listening to its Arab allies about the realities of their region, and Arabs know it. Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak had warned George W. Bush against invading Iraq and predicted that such a rash action would produce “a hundred Bin Ladens.” Despite being a putative American ally, Mubarak praised the Iraqi army that fought invading U.S. troops as brave defenders of their homeland. Many Egyptians see the U.S. presence in Iraq as a Western occupation of Arab land, and they take it personally.

Egyptian political commentator Nael M. Shama spoke for many of his countrymen when he warned that good intentions and sweet talk would not take Obama very far. He wrote, “The Arab world is expecting concrete steps on the part of the world’s only superpower to address the region’s real problems, particularly the six-decade Arab-Israeli conflict. Thus far, the change in U.S. foreign policy has been in style, not substance.” Seventy-five percent of Egyptians said last winter in a BBC poll that resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict should be Obama’s No. 1 priority (the Gaza war had just begun as the poll was being conducted). More recently, Egyptians see the withdrawal from Iraq as even more pressing. Shama concluded that most likely, the U.S. special relationship with Israel would derail new peace moves and further sour U.S.-Egyptian relations, despite the best of intentions on Obama’s part.

Al-Sheikh, the Saudi opinion page writer, is more hopeful than his Egyptian colleagues, despite recognizing the profound obstacles to progress. He said, “The peoples of our region dream that their area will be free of weapons of mass destruction, and free of the reasons for violence and counter-violence.” Recognizing that any steps Obama initiated along those lines might not be accomplished in one term or even two, he nevertheless urged that a beginning be made. Among persons of good will, “according to a new vision, the motto of which would be your motto, ‘yes we can.'” He concluded, “We say welcome to the President, Barack Obama, in the land of Islam and of peace.”

Whether Shama’s pessimism or Al-Sheikh’s optimism proves more warranted depends on whether the president has that all-important follow-through.

Source / Salon

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The Sotomayor Nomination : Racism and Right-Wing Lunacy


Racism and Right-Wing Lunacy

Her comment was simply a truism: identity shapes experience, which then informs perceptions. Identity provides a lens through which one then observes reality.

By Tim Wise / June 1, 2009

For a group that regularly decries what they view as “minority” whining, and the politics of victimization, white conservatives are demonstrating a penchant for the unhinged histrionics of victimhood, virtually unparalleled in modern times. Facing a nation led by a black man, with a black wife and black children, sullying the hallowed halls of a house they long considered white in more than just name, the far-right finds itself in the midst of a prolonged and currently exploding aneurysm, which would be humorous to observe were it not so toxic in its consequences for the nation.

Going off the Rails on a Crazy Train: Right-Wing Lunacy in the Age of Obama

Now, with the nomination of Judge Sonia Sotomayor to the Supreme Court, these same gasbags see yet further confirmation of the takeover of America by hostile colored forces. It is making them insane, literally, as with Bill O’Reilly, who recently stated with a straight (if somewhat contorted and scowling) face, that Sotomayor’s nomination is just more evidence that the left “sees white men as the problem,” in America.

Reactionary cranks across the radio dial have been trying to outdo one another in the annals of batshit lunacy, and so the rhetoric has been ratcheted up in the past week, from mere statements that Sotomayor is “racist” for suggesting that racial, ethnic and gender identity might affect a judge’s sensibilities (an obvious truth devoid of any racism, and to which we will shortly return), to indicting her as a “bigot,” “anti-white,” and equivalent to David Duke. This latter gem comes from Rush Limbaugh, a man for whom accusing others of racism is more than a little precious. After all, Limbaugh himself once told a black caller to take the bone out of his nose, and has quipped that all mug shots of criminal suspects look like Jesse Jackson.

That Rush would compare Sotomayor to Duke only indicates the extent to which the right either lacks the capacity for research, for discernment, or for honesty. Just to clarify, David Duke has openly praised Adolf Hitler and the Nazi regime, claimed that Jews are akin to cancer, and has said, among other things that “Europeans and Asians are higher than Africans on the evolutionary scale,” that white folks’ “racial character” is responsible for virtually all civilizational achievement, and that black crime is the result of making the legal system “equalized for unequal people.” He has blamed integration for the spread of venereal disease, and has advocated the sterilization of poor black women. In his autobiography he calls for the rising up of “Aryan warriors” to take back the culture, violently if necessary, from the Jews he believes have hijacked it.

Oh, and it should be noted that for a guy who would now criticize–if only by comparison to Sotomayor — David Duke, Rush might wish to remember his audience: a group that, in a 1991 phone poll, answered overwhelmingly (to the tune of over 80 percent) that if they lived in Louisiana they would gladly vote for Duke, who at that time was running for Governor.

The full compliment of smears against Sotomayor is far too extensive to list, but among the other choice items, we have G. Gordon Liddy expressing concern about the Judge’s menstrual cycle. Liddy is apparently worried that if the Court were conferencing about an important case during said cycle, Sotomayor’s judgment might be impaired. Unlike Liddy’s own judgment, which in 1971 led him to draw up plans (which he then presented to the Attorney General), to kidnap and beat anti-Nixon protesters, and to hire “high-class prostitutes” (his words) to lure Democratic Party leaders onto yachts and film them having sex. Liddy, presumably not suffering from the debilitating effects of menses, also offered to be assassinated if it would help cover up the Nixon gang’s burglary of Democratic headquarters, which he had masterminded.

Then there’s the immigrant-bashing bigot Tom Tancredo, who accused Sotomayor of being the equivalent of a Latino KKK member. That his concern about racism rings a bit hollow, given that the director of his own PAC just pled guilty to karate-chopping a black woman in the head, and given many of the blatantly racist things that have spilled from his mouth in recent years, should be obvious. It is the likes of these who would question the judgment of Sonia Sotomayor, and do so with no sense of shame or irony.

Truth and Consequences: Race, Identity and the Myth of Objectivity

In any event, with all the asininity floating around the AM dial, and however tempting it might be to restrict oneself to the much-deserved ridicule that conservatives have invited on this subject, an even modestly honest examination of her words indicates the unfairness of the attacks upon Sotomayor. Likewise, such an interrogation points out the depths of white racist thinking in this, the so-called “post racial” age of Obama.

First, let’s be clear about what Judge Sotomayor did and didn’t say. She did not say that Latina judges are inherently superior to white male judges. What she said was simply this: that she hopes her experiences, as a woman and Latina, would help her to render better, fairer decisions, specifically on cases about discrimination, than might be the case for white men in the same position. The meaning of this is innocent enough, at least for those whose synapses haven’t been permanently impaired by the likes of Michael Savage, Glenn Beck and Ann Coulter. What Sotomayor is suggesting is that being a Latina, like anything else, informs one’s perceptions and interpretations of facts and the law, because it will have affected one’s experiences in life.

There is nothing even remotely controversial about this statement. Indeed, it is one with which other justices (on the right no less) have agreed, such as Sandra Day O’Connor who said the same thing about being a woman in 1981, Clarence Thomas, who claimed that his experience with poverty would make him more sensitive to the concerns of non-elites (not that it has, but he said it), and Samuel Alito, who suggested his family’s immigrant experience would help inform his opinions of immigration-related issues.

Her comment was simply a truism: identity shapes experience, which then informs perceptions. Identity provides a lens through which one then observes reality. It doesn’t mean that a person is then incapable of rendering fair opinions on legal matters, having viewed a particular case through that prism, but it does mean that objectivity — the notion that a judge is a mere blank slate with no lens whatsoever–is a lie.

And of course it is. To make such a claim is not, as Newt Gingrich would have it, “new racism,” let alone equivalent, as Newt would also have it to “the old racism.” As writer John Ridley has noted, the old racism (which really ain’t that old, as dozens of anti-Obama YouTube clips during the election made painfully clear), often involved enslavement, lynchings, whippings, segregation, and regular terrorism at the hands of white mobs. The old racism was about the deliberate denying of opportunities to people of color. You know, sorta like the kind of racism practiced by the late Justice William Rehnquist (a favorite of Gingrich and his ilk), during his days as a law clerk, during which time he penned a memo defending segregation and advocating that it be maintained, or during his days as a GOP poll watcher, who tried to keep blacks and Latinos from voting in Arizona. Or like the kind of racism advocated by the Princeton alumni group to which Justice Alito once belonged, which seeks to restrict the admission of women and folks of color at the elite university. Yeah, like that.

Even more to the point though — and in what confirms Sotomayor’s presumably racist comment as glaringly and obviously accurate — is that all of that old racism was given the cover of law by white male judges, who because of their personal biases, shaped by their identities as privileged group members who had the luxury of seeing nothing wrong with the social order from which they profited, could shrug in the face of institutional white supremacy. In other words, that white men for over 150 years rendered one after another opinion dispensing with the rights of blacks, Indians, Asians, and all other non-whites, demonstrates the fundamental truth of what Judge Sotomayor is suggesting: identity matters. How else could such esteemed jurists–presumably the best and brightest of their day, in terms of mere academic credentials–render such horrific judgments as were handed down in Dred Scott orPlessy v. Ferguson? Is it not self-evident that had there been persons of color on the Court when those cases were argued, that such justices would have likely felt a wee bit different about the validity of separate but equal? Or the suggestion, rendered in Dred Scott that blacks had no rights which the white man was bound to respect?

The simple truth, which white men often have a hard time grasping, is that we too have a lens. We may not realize it, of course, or we may consider that lens to be merely normal, in the sense that it is a generic, rational, human one, unsullied by our race or gender. But the luxury of believing such a manifestly absurd notion is the hallmark of white privilege and white supremacist thinking. To believe that one’s own reality is the reality for all, and to then universalize that which is actually particular to oneself, is to suggest that you and others like you are the very model of a human being: superior in terms of judgment, clarity, intellect, discernment and objectivity to all others, clouded as they are by their mere social identities. It is a fundamentally racist concept, laden with a color and gender-blind smugness to which persons of color and women of all colors have long been subjected and about which they have long tired.

The law is not, as some appear to believe, a fixed, scientific thing, free from differing interpretations. This, after all, is why so many Supreme Court opinions are split, rather than unanimous, 9-0 renderings. Rational and fair minded people, all of them legal scholars, can and do come to different conclusions about the same set of facts, the same legal precedents, and the same Constitution to which all are sworn. And when considering the reasons why two judges may look at the same facts and see totally different realities, race, gender, class and other identity markers might be found among the answers. Not because there is something inherently different about whites or people of color, men or women, which leads them to different conclusions, but because our social location can mightily influence what we see and what we don’t see.

How anyone could argue with this basic point is beyond the rational mind’s ability to comprehend, especially when it comes to the subject of race. After all, according to surveys in the early 1960s, at a time when this nation was still a formal system of institutionalized apartheid and white domination, two-thirds of whites said that blacks had fully equal opportunities with whites, and nearly 90 percent said, in one poll, that black children were treated equally in schools. In other words, most whites even then, at the height of the civil rights movement, saw no need for that movement. Surely this was not because whites are intrinsically cruel or hard-hearted people, incapable of sympathy in the face of human suffering. Rather, it must be because as whites they simply didn’t need to see the suffering as real. They had the luxury of remaining totally oblivious to the lived experiences of millions of their fellow countrymen and women. That whites could have been so deluded, in retrospect, suggests that indeed one’s racial identity matters and that people of color are likely to bring a deeper understanding to these discussions, including legal deliberations, than most of us would. It is not that whites can’t get it, so to speak. After all, nine white men in Brown ultimately overturned the evil deeds of those other white men in Plessy. But it is to say that the ability to really see institutional injustice is probably a bit keener in those who have long been the targets of it.

This is why we have the example of Supreme Court Justice Joseph Bradley who justified striking down post-emancipation civil rights protections in 1883 by claiming that blacks had unfairly become the “special favorites of the law” by virtue of things like the Freedman’s Bureau, and that they should no longer benefit from this so-called preferential treatment. Rather, Bradley insisted, they should “take the place of mere citizens.” That Bradley could say such a thing, thereby ignoring the institutionalized privileges enjoyed by whites, and the obvious fact that whites were not “mere citizens” but privileged ones (who indeed had been the only legal citizens until about eighteen years before he rendered this judgment) is stunning confirmation of Sotomayor’s comments. Here was an otherwise competent jurist, making a fundamentally ridiculous argument, in all likelihood because as a white man, he had never had to consider his own elevated status as anything but normal and natural.

Sotomayor as a Quota Hire? The Incipient Racism of the Conservative Right

But it isn’t only in the assumption of white objectivity (as compared to the presumed capricious and identity-driven subjectivity of the colored folks) that suggests the ongoing presence of white racism in the Sotomayor debate. Even worse has been the way in which white commentators have jumped on the judge’s nomination as evidence of affirmative action, by which they of course mean the promotion of less qualified, perhaps even unqualified, people of color to positions they don’t deserve, at the expense of more qualified white men.

Although there is no objective way in which one could truly rank the most qualified persons for a Supreme Court appointment — there is, after all, no scale of brilliance that can be applied for this purpose — it is stunning to see how quickly white folks rush to impugn the capabilities of persons of color in high places, irrespective of whether they have any information to justify the attack. While white Republicans have previously praised judicial mediocrity as a positive good when the possessor of such limited skill was a white guy, any hint that a person of color is less than a certifiable Mensa member, sets them off on a rant against the compromising of standards.

So, for instance, we have paleo-bigot Pat Buchanan (who over the past few years appeared twice on a radio show hosted by an overt white supremacist), calling her an affirmative action pick and intellectual “lightweight.” This, coming from a man who once praised the “genius” of Hitler.

Fred Barnes not only claims that Sotomayor has been a recipient of affirmative action–and that she may well never have gotten into Princeton without it — but goes further, implying that her graduating Summa Cum Laude (which most sane people consider a sign of intellectual and academic heft), really means nothing in her case, and might have been the result of lenient grading. Unlike, say, his kindred spirit George W. Bush’s gentleman’s C, about which the former President actually bragged a few years ago, as if it were perfectly respectable.

Michael Goldfarb at the Weekly Standard asks, as if the answer were so obvious as to need no asking at all, “Does anyone dispute that Sotomayor has been the recipient of preferential treatment for most of her life?” This, despite no evidence that she has received anything for which she was not qualified, or that she would have failed to obtain but for her race and ethnicity. To white conservatives, it seems as though any person of color who advances to a high-ranking position must have been the beneficiary of a rigged game. After all, how could they possibly be as good as the white folks they leapfrogged to get there? Indeed, this was the underlying argument of Geraldine Ferraro during the presidential primaries, who insisted that candidate Obama was only the frontrunner because of his race.

That whites are so quick to presume preferential treatment is at work whenever someone who looks different than us makes it to the top is a hallmark of racist thinking. So too, it is based on the absurd notion that when white men do obtain such slots, it must have been merit based, and couldn’t possibly have been the result of a race or gender preference. Even though such preferences for white men were written into the laws of the nation (and the colonies before nationhood) for hundreds of years. Even though still today, according to the available evidence, whites continue to be favored in job searches, irrespective of qualifications. Even though the history of white male success has been almost entirely one of preferences given, favors done, and the receipt of unearned, unjustified advantage. Indeed, even when the white men in question grew up in modest conditions, this remains true, as with the aforementioned Bill O’Reilly, who often ruminates upon his lack of privilege growing up in Levittown, on Long Island, but forgets to mention that the community in which he grew up was racially restricted to whites, at the behest of the developer .

As it turns out, Sonia Sotomayor is likely to be confirmed, white reactionary racism and all around pedantry notwithstanding. Such bigots have, at least, lost that much power, and for that we can be grateful. But let us still be mindful of the strong undercurrent of racism that continues to poison our national politics, and to which millions of Americans still respond, at least if radio listener numbers and ratings are any indication. That the ability of angry white men to derail a Supreme Court nomination has diminished is nice. That we still have to be subjected to their pugnacious bile on a daily basis — and that such biliousness will likely only grow in coming years, as they see their hegemonic grip on the country and the world begin to slip — serves as a reminder that they are still very much out there, and capable of great damage.

May the aneurysm’s rupture continue unmolested. Godspeed to that.

[Tim Wise is a prominent anti-racist writer and activist.]

Source / The Red Room / Racism Review

Thanks to Lisa Sánchez González / The Rag Blog

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Movement Lawyer Dead in Plane Crash

Attorney Susan Jordan, shown here in her Oakland office in 1999, was killed Friday in a plane crash in southern Utah. Photo: John Burgess/The Press Democrat.

Susan Jordan defended the Rag‘s own Marilyn Buck.

Susan Jordan, Criminal Justice Defense Lawyer Passes On
By Christina Aanestad / June 2, 2009

Susan Jordan, a civil litigator and criminal justice lawyer from Mendocino County died Friday, May 29th in a plane crash in Utah. She was 67 years old and left a legacy of civil litigation and criminal justice work behind. Jordan represented several prominent political activists throughout her career as a criminal defense lawyer, including Earth First!’s Judi Bari after she was car bombed with Daryl Cherney in 1990 and members of the SLA, Symbionese Liberation Army in the kidnapping of Patty Hearst.

Susan Jordan was one of the first attorney’s to offer legal defense for Earth First! activists planning non violent civil disobedience during the Redwood Summer campaign in 1990. Then, Earth First! organizers Judi Bari and Daryl Cherney were car bombed and subsequently arrested as the main suspects. Cherney says Jordan came to their defense.

“She came to the rescue right away. Without hesitation, she marched into the police office, announced that she was Judi Bari’s attorney and demanded to see her. And it was Susan who barged her way into Highland hospital to see her client Judy Bari while she was in the ICU and, you know, there’s the Oakland Police and the FBI just trying to get a false confession out of this woman whose fighting for her life and it was Susan Jordan who came to Judy’s rescue and backed their dogs off you might say.”

In the legal field, Jordan most notably made the first successful argument of self defense for a battered woman who killed her rapist, in the late 1970’s. Jordan said it was the first ruling of it’s kind. I spoke with her last April.

“It used to be called the ‘Battered Spouse Defense.’ I didn’t coin the term; I tried the first case where it was used. In the law it didn’t exist before. Women who defended themselves or reacted against violence, were locked away for life. No one understood that sometimes it was the only way out. And the case that arises from this is the case called the People vs. Inez Garcia. Inez was a Latin American woman who shot and killed her rapist. Her first trial she was convicted of murder. And she asked, I was a very young lawyer, she asked me to represent her-I had no idea if I could do anything, but I represented her on the theory that yes you can defend yourself against someone who rapes you, even if they don’t have a gun.”

CA: “And where you successful?”

SJ: “Yes, she was acquitted.”

Jordan was dubbed a feminist lawyer for her work defending women in criminal court. She was also a mentor to other women lawyers like Mary Ann Villwock in Ukiah.

“It was unusiual in t hose days in the 70’s for women-it was less and less unusual for women to go into law and be lawyers, but it was still unusual for women to be litigators and she was an amazing leader in that field and never stopped.”

Jordan was also Marilyn Buck’s attorney, and helped grant her a parole release from prison after serving nearly 30 years of an 80 year sentence, for several crimes including involvement in Assata Shaukur’s escape from prison in the late 1970’s, armed robbery and the bombings of several government buildings. Buck will be released next year. Discussing Buck’s case Jordan said women face severe obstacles in the criminal justice system.

“Women get treated worse than men, not only in prison but in the criminal justice system. Marilyn was seen as an aberration, she was a white woman working with a group of radical black men and every stereotype they could dream up against her, witch, bitch everything negative prevailed against her in court.”

More recently, Jordan represented attorney Lynne Stewart who was convicted of relaying messages for her client, convicted terrorist, Sheik Omar Abdul Rahman. Stewart maintains she was doing her job representing her client. But the government disagreed. Jordan said Stewart’s case is another sign of women’s obstacles in the criminal justice system.

“In the criminal justice system all the stereotypes applying to women really work against them. I recently represented a woman in New York, Lynne Stewart she was an attorney charged with terrorism in her work representing the blink Sheik if you remember her public image-this doting old unattractive grandmother who must be slightly dingy. That’s what the press did to her. And in fact she was a wonderful, incredibly devoted lawyer.”

Stewart consequently lost her license to practice law, but she says she’s grateful Jordan stepped in to help frame her statement at sentencing.

“He gave me 28 months, when the government wanted 30 years. So, Susan had a role in getting that favorable sentence, and even though 28 months isn’t a joke when you’re 70 years old. I know it could have been a lot worse and in a large way Susan was responsible for it being not worse.”

Stewart says her case against the US government is on appeal. Jordan also defended members of the urban guerilla group, the SLA, Symbioneese Liberation Army in the kidnapping of Patty Hearst. Jordan also defended Sarah Jane Olson, a former member of the SLA, who went underground then resurfaced nearly 20 years later when authorities located her. Olson served 7 years and was released earlier this year, according to the LA times. Cherney says Jordan was in it for the long haul.

Susan Jordan as a civil rights attorney crossed multiple generations, multiple eras in history starting out in the early 60’s and going right through the present times. So she was a person who kept modern. She may have gotten older but she didn’t’ become obsolete; She stayed quite current and she was a tiger. So I think on o of the legacies of Susan Jordan was how she shifted with the times and represented an expansive activist’s over a 40 year period and did so effectively, and followed the latest police trends of oppression and followed the latest activist developments and how we evolved and do things and stayed with it. She was in it for the ride.”

These are just a handful of the people whose lives Jordan touched. According to her website, JORDAN was recently sworn in as the first tribal Judge for the Hopland Band of Pomo Indians. She also led the successful legal defense of ballot language for Measure H an anti-GMO initiative in Mendocino County, against the Monsanto corporation. And, she represented several medical marijuana clients in criminal court.

Villwock says Jordan’s life was cut too short.

“She was interested in abused women in Guatemala, I just heard she had plans to go and assist prisoners in Haiti. She had connections everywhere and was very influential in anything she was involved in.”

In addition to her legal work, Jordan was a yoga enthusiast. She also taught meditation to local lawyers, according to the Santa Rosa Press Democrat. She was working on an autobiography at the time of her death. Jordan is survived by her husband, attorney Ronald C. Wong; a daughter, Jennifer Jordan Wong; a sister, and a brother.

Source / North Coast Indy Bay

Thanks to Mariann Wizard / The Rag Blog

Posted in RagBlog | Tagged , | 1 Comment

Rules Bar Non-Profit News Media from Congress

The House of Representatives Press Gallery. Photo: Source.

Capitol Improvement: If nonprofits are supposed to save journalism, why aren’t their reporters allowed into congressional press galleries?
By Megan Tady / June 2, 2009

An outdated congressional rule effectively excludes nonprofit news organizations from the D.C. beat.

Many players in the journalism world hope that one short string of letters and numbers can save our crumbling media system: 501(c)(3). And no, it’s not a lottery number.

It’s the IRS code for nonprofit status, and veteran journalists are eyeing it hungrily. As newspapers crumble, leaving thousands of journalists unemployed, nonprofit news models are emerging as possible replacements for failing commercial media.

But this new media savior suffers from a major handicap: An outdated congressional rule bars many nonprofit news organizations from covering Capitol Hill. While reporters working for nonprofit organizations are sometimes granted temporary access to congressional press galleries, the Standing Committee of Correspondents and their executive committees continue to deny permanent credentials to any news organization that isn’t “supported chiefly by advertising and subscriptions.”

What does this mean for nonprofit news organizations? They’re effectively excluded from the D.C. beat. They can’t attend press conferences to ask tough questions, hound congressional staffers, watch floor proceedings, or work from the House and Senate pressrooms while waiting for leaked inside information—you know, the basics of political reporting.

So when the Center for Independent Media, which operates a network of six independent news websites covering both state government and Washington D.C., applied for permanent membership with the Periodical Press Gallery in April, they were denied. The center’s 501(c)(3) nonprofit status was one reason given for the rejection.

Here’s the irony: Even as nonprofit news models are heralded as a way to continue hard-hitting, public-interest journalism and foundations are beginning to bankroll them, their reporters can’t truly act as watchdogs over government.

The Center, which is currently appealing its rejection, is collaborating with Free Press (where I work) and others to urge Congress to change the rule, which was originally intended as a way to keep advocacy groups out of government pressrooms.

“That rule has served to effectively block nonprofit news organizations, and we feel like it needs to be re-examined because it doesn’t serve the public’s interest,” says David Bennahum, president and CEO of the Center.

In response to the call for reform, Joe Keenan, director of the Daily Press Gallery, told Politico in May that the guidelines are being reexamined.

“It’s a whole new ballgame,” Keenan told Politico. “We just have to figure out how to deal for it. We don’t want to establish a precedent that allows every special interest group to get a credential.”

Bennahum understands the committee’s concern about lobbying restrictions, but believes the current rules are too simplistic. “The problem is that the instrument used to address those concerns is so crude and blunt,” he says. “It needs a scalpel and not a sledgehammer.”

Nonprofit news organizations are not new. Magazines like Mother Jones and The American Prospect — and, yes, In These Times — have been operating as nonprofit organizations for decades. What’s new is the urgency of journalism’s crisis and the blooming of online, local—often nonprofit—newsrooms across the country, such as VoiceofSanDiego.org and MinnPost.com.

As newspapers continue their death spiral, it’s heartening to see these innovative attempts to support freely available, quality journalism. But a news article is only as good as its sources. If nonprofit political journalists are routinely kept away from the Capitol—and the elected officials who work there—they’ll inevitably end up relying more on press releases and secondary sources for their reporting. And nonprofit organizations won’t have a prayer of joining the White House press corps if they’ve already been denied membership at the congressional press galleries.

“For those of us who try to cover the workings of Congress, [the press galleries are] ground zero, and you want to be there,” Bennahum says.

But nonprofit media aren’t only facing problems in Washington: Many state capitals look to the nation’s capital to set their own press gallery rules. (Bennahum says the Center’s Colorado Independent has encountered similar restrictions when trying to cover the Denver statehouse.) This is bad news for any citizen wondering where his state income tax dollars go, especially considering that the ranks of reporters covering the nation’s statehouses have decreased by 32 percent in the past six years, according to a recent American Journalism Review study.

“Part of our call for reform is that we know it will have a cascading effect [at the state level],” Bennahum said.

It’s beginning to make waves, in Washington at least. During a Senate hearing on the “Future of Journalism” held in May, Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass.) suggested one way to recognize the contributions of online journalists covering Congress. “We can make sure that the rules for credentialing congressional reporters are modernized,” Kerry said.

The 2004 presidential candidate vowed to work with Senate Rules Committee Chairman Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) and the Standing Committee of Correspondents on the credentialing issue. (The Senate Rules Committee has jurisdiction over the press galleries.)

Here’s to hoping rule reform comes quick. The growing number of empty press gallery chairs should make us nervous. We need competent, fearless reporters to fill them, regardless of their tax status.

[Megan Tady is a campaign coordinator and writer for Free Press, the national, nonprofit media reform organization, and a former National Political Reporter for InTheseTimes.com.]

Source / In These Times

Thanks to Diane Stirling-Stevens / The Rag Blog

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FILM / Turk Pipkin’s Remarkable ‘One Peace at a Time’

Another day at the office. Turk Pipkin (who refers to himself in the movie as a “human q-tip” ) shoots at the Muharam Shia Festival in Calcutta, India.

One Peace at a Time: A film about a messed up world and how we can fix it.

By William Michael Hanks / The Rag Blog / June 2, 2009

See Willie Nelson Video, and a sneak preview Video of One Peace at a Time, Below.
Also see Turk Pipkin, and a Brief History of the Documentary Form, by William Michael Hanks / The Rag Blog.

[‘One Peace at a Time: A film about a messed up world and how we can fix it.‘ A feature documentary film by Turk Pipkin. Produced by the Nobelity Project. One Peace at a Time is a sequel to Pipkin’s highly acclaimed Nobelity.]

One Peace at a Time documents Turk Pipkin’s global odyssey to find working solutions for humanity’s most urgent problems.

In the 1960s the issues that most concerned the activist community were civil rights and the Vietnam War. Many believed that we could make a difference by getting involved and making our voices heard. At that time the horizon of concerns did not go far beyond the landscape of domestic issues.

Now, confirming Marshall McLuhan’s insights, the media of television and the Internet have changed our worldview and our conversation. With a global perspective, the problems of our time threaten to overwhelm our sensibilities and defy attempts to gain traction against them. In an odyssey of faith, Turk Pipkin invested years of searching the world for antidotes to the threats against our survival.

Through interviews with nine Nobel laureates, ten non-governmental organization (NGO) innovators, one U. S. Congressman, and one musician-philosopher, One Peace at a Time provides a first-hand look at the projects that are working to make a better world. But Turk Pipkin, a Texas writer, actor and director, living in Austin, has done even more –- he has produced a work that represents the evolution of documentary production.

In his previous documentary Nobelity Turk Pipkin begins with Nobel Laureate Steve Weinberg speaking about the problems facing the world today. This began a journey that led to conversations with eight more Nobel Laureates around the world. As a father, Turk Pipkin was eager to engage the challenges that his children would face in coming years. In Nobelity he defines for us the significant problems of our time. But that led to something more — the participation of his wife, Christy, and his daughters, in a new project to find effective solutions to those problems.

In his sequel One Peace at a Time we see the solutions developed by those working on the front lines to leave a better world for future generations. The film opens with Turk in a train station in India. At about six feet six inches tall he is unmistakably a visitor on a road trip. And that is the form of the film. It is the most enduring of documentary forms — a road movie, a travelogue, but unlike any you’ve ever seen.

Carrying his camera he says: “There are so many layers that separate me from reality — but that morning I looked up from my camera and suddenly the problems were looking back at me — I wasn’t behind the camera anymore –- I was part of the picture.”

Ironically, it is the layers in the film that bring so much to its power. The foundation is its theme: the power of individual choices. Upon that is layered the pictures of the people and places which provide a sense of reality that is sometimes tragic and surprisingly, comic. On that is layered an artful music score providing context and mood. Over a multi-panel montage of children living in poverty among industrial waste and pollution Bob Dylan sings:

“Broken idols, broken heads,
People sleeping in broken beds.
Streets are filled with broken hearts.
Broken words never meant to be spoken,
Everything is broken.”

The music together with the content works to evoke worlds of meaning as we hear “Peace Train,” “The Weight,” and “Better Way” — songs of an earlier generation seen with the children of a new generation dramatize the continuing struggle for justice, peace, and the dignity of life.

Overlaying that is the first-person descriptions of the success of those who are leading the way to provide solutions. And, upon that is the voice of guide and narrator, Turk Pipkin, who provides perspective for the film. The final layer is the reflexivity, the self awareness, that engages us more fully in the theme — we, as the audience, are aware of our role.

As we travel with Turk through the slums of India, Africa, and Bangladesh we see first-hand the conditions that imprison children in seemingly unalterable poverty but as Turk leads us on a journey of hope we begin to see that, if we choose, we can make a difference — each of us can make the world better.

Back in Texas, in a chess game with Willie Nelson, the importance of our choices is seen through the moves they make on the chessboard. Willie says: “You know what to do, right and wrong is not that hard, its just what you choose to do.” The Nobel Laureates and NGO leaders tell us more about the world’s problems and show us that we can change the course of history when we choose to act.

“What you do, where you are, is of significance.”
Desmond Tutu, Nobel Peace Prize

“There is nothing magical about change. It’s getting up off your ass and caring enough to take the first steps to contribute to change on an issue you care about.”
Jody Williams, Nobel Peace Prize

“Even the poorest of the poor person has enormous potential. If you decide where you want to be, and I decide where I want to be … we’ll be there.”
Muhammad Yunus, Nobel Peace Prize

“We’re doing harm. Our decisions are clearly not made with our descendants in mind.”
Steve Weinberg, Nobel Prize in Physics

“There are twenty five million children living in orphanages … a million more each year. In 2006 there were only 3,332 adoptions in India.”
Caroline Boudreaux, Founder, The Miracle Foundation

Turk tells us that he didn’t know what to expect when he visited the orphanages in India but smiling, he says that what he found was love and joy. That hopeful tone resonates throughout the film. There is precious little to smile about in media these days but the sight of those children singing, laughing, and learning, undeterred by conditions of poverty and difficulty, brought a big smile to my face too.

Drug and AIDS counselor at CARE’s HIV/needle-exchange program in Dhaka, Bangladesh.

However, it is not a film marred by a Pollyanna vision. The reality of how the world is failing to provide for even the basic needs stated in the United Nations “Rights of the Child”: clean water, adequate nutrition, health care, education, a stable loving environment, and conditions of freedom and dignity, is the organizing structure for the film.

Six million children die of hunger each year. Sixteen thousand die of hunger each day. Twelve children die of hunger each minute. In the time it takes you to read this paragraph, six children died of hunger. While you process that –- one more died. How could that be possible? One more.

That is one example of how One Peace at a Time brings home the big numbers to a personal level. Turk Pipkin leads us further into an almost apocalyptic landscape as he attends the convention to ban cluster munitions in Oslo, Norway.

“A cluster munition is essentially a large container that opens up in mid-air and spews out hundreds of individual bomblets. So if you use these anywhere near civilian areas you’re almost guaranteed to kill and injure large numbers of civilians. To make matters worse, many of these individual bomblets — hundreds at a time — don’t explode on contact. Instead they function like anti-personnel land mines — they keep killing weeks, months, and decades later.
Steve Goose, Human Rights Watch

The United States is the most prolific user and exporter of these munitions — we also refuse to sign the treaty to ban them. This led Turk to his Congressman, Lloyd Doggett, to ask how citizens can influence legislation on this and other important issues.

“In terms of the money that we appropriate every year, fifty-five cents of every dollar went to military expenditures. We spend enough in one week in Iraq to fund the college education of over a million students — we could be putting people on the dean’s list instead of the casualty list. Just electing someone is not enough. You have to have an informed public movement that really cares about how our budget is allocated.”
Lloyd Doggett, U. S. House of Representatives

Not satisfied to merely show what we can do, Turk Pipkin put his own blood and treasure on the line as well. He broke his leg in the Grand Canyon while filming a sequence on global warming. He sponsored a child in India through The Miracle Foundation, provided micro-financing to a small businesswoman in Africa through Kiva.org, raised money for a well to deliver clean water to an Ethiopian village, and through The Nobelity Project, sponsored a computer classroom in Kenya

One Peace at a Time is not only a compelling look at what is being done to solve the problems of our time but shows the power of our choices to make a difference. It is also an outstanding example of the evolution of the documentary form. The most unexpected thing about the film is the humor, joy, and hope that it delivers. This isn’t a doomsday prophecy — it is an inspiring roadmap to a better world.

One Peace at a Time home: The Nobelity Project

Turk Pipkin Website: TurkPipkin.com

Choose to Act

This is a road movie about choices. One Peace at a Time calls on us to choose a project and get engaged in the solution. All of the following organizations are making a difference in the lives of people around the world. At a time when many investments are showing negative returns, these are some of the best investments you can make.

[William Michael Hanks has written, produced and directed film and television productions for the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, The U. S. Information Agency, and for Public Broadcasting. His documentary film The Apollo File won a Gold Medal at the Festival of the Americas. Having experienced the challenges and the evolution of the form in his own work, his view from that lens brings into focus both the content and technique of One Peace at a Time. William Michael Hanks lives in Nacagdoches, Texas.]

Nobelity Project Computer Lab at Mahiga Primary School in rural Kenya.

Turk Pipkin: “I’m headed to Kenya in a week to purchase land for the high school for 400 students that we’re going to build near this primary school. Education in the area currently ends after 8th grade, and we’ve made a big commitment to help change chat. The Nobeliy Project has raised about 20k of the 100k we need for the school. We’re accepting donations at nobelity.org.”

Willie Nelson for One Peace at a Time

About One Peace at a Time.

One Peace at a Time is an inspiring feature documentary highlighting solutions to some of the world’s most pressing problems. The film includes the insights of Nobel Peace laureate Muhammad Yunus, Nobel Physicist Steven Chu, (Barack Obama’s Secretary of Energy), Dr. Helene Gayle (CEO of CARE, International), American legend Willie Nelson and many others.

The film follows director Turk Pipkin’s five-continent, two-year search for a better way ahead. Pipkin sought the answer to one basic question: Can we provide basic rights — water, nutrition, education, healthcare and a sustainable and peaceful environment — to every child on earth?

The solutions Pipkin chronicles include the model Indian orphanages of The Miracle Foundation, family planning initiatives with Thailand’s Mechai Viravaidya, Ethiopian water projects with A Glimmer of Hope, and Architecture for Humanity’s global design challenge for communities in need in the Himalayas, the Amazon and the slums of Nairobi.

In Banngladesh, Pipkin met Muhammad Yunus, the “Banker to the Poor” whose pioneering work in microfinance has led tens of millions of people out of extreme poverty. “We must be pilots,” Yunus told Pipkin. We must know where we are going and lead the world where we want to go.”

One Peace at a Time is Pipkin’s sequel to his highly acclaimed documentary Nobelity, which Esquire Magazine called, “Nine ways to save the World.” While Nobelity looked at problems through the eyes of nine Nobel laureates, the new movie focuses on solutions that every person can be a part of.

“People are hungry to play a part in creating a better world,” says Pipkin. “I hope this film will inspire large numbers of people to accomplish great things in the world and in their own lives.”

The film is produced by the Nobelity Project, a 501c3 nonprofit working for a more peaceful and sustainable world. Proceeds from the film support the Nobelity in Schools education program and the nonprofit’s development work in Kenya, Ethiopia and elsewhere.

In its own words, “The Nobelity Project collaborates with Nobel laureates and other inspiring leaders to provide reliable information and innovative thinking on pressing global problems and solutions that work. Combining professional filmmaking with a nonpartisan, nonprofit education program, our work reaches a broad cross section of people interested in making a difference.”

One Piece at a Time will have a national release in September and October this year. It is being distributed by Monterey Media and will play in theaters around the country and there will also be hundreds of screenings in community centers, churches, on campuses and in private homes. Anyone who wants to sponsor a screening can contact nobelity.org.

Actor, writer and filmmaker Turk Pipkin has had a long career in books, television and film. He is the writer and director of the award-winning documentary Nobelity. As an actor, he appeared in the feature films Friday Night Lights, The Alamo and Scanner Darkly. On HBO’s The Sopranos, Turk played the recurring role of Janice’s narcoleptic boyfriend, Aaron Arkaway. He is the author of ten books including the New York Times best-seller, The Tao of Willie, co-authored with Willie Nelson.

One Peace at a Time – Sneak Preview

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FILM / Turk Pipkin, and a Brief History of the Documentary Form

Eadweard Muybridge: The Horse in Motion.

The documentary form is only now realizing the possibilities foreshadowed by its beginnings.

By William Michael Hanks / The Rag Blog / June 2, 2009

Also see Turk Pipkin’s Remarkable ‘One Peace at a Time by William Michael Hanks / The Rag Blog.

The release of Turk Pipkin’s One Peace at a Time provides an excellent opportunity to reflect on the evolution of the documentary film

The documentary form is only now realizing the possibilities foreshadowed by its beginnings. As early as 1874 photographers were experimenting with taking a series of still pictures that, when rapidly displayed in sequence, came to life in motion. Eadweard Muybridge arranged a row of still cameras along a horse track. As the horse ran along the track a series of tripwires connected to the cameras took individual photographs.

In Nobelity Turk interviews Ahmed Zewali, Nobel Prize in Chemistry. He is looking at events at the level of molecules. He refers to Muybridge and remarks that his photos were capturing pictures at 1900 milliseconds. Current technology enables capturing pictures in 200 millionth of a billionth of a second.

The motion studies of Muybridge demonstrated the foundation of the documentary: “its ability to open our eyes to worlds available to us… but not perceived.” (Erik Barnouw, Documentary: A History of the Non-Fiction Film) Specialized cameras and film were soon developed for the purpose of capturing moving images. Lumiére in France and Edison in America were pioneers in the production of equipment and exhibitions.

From its inception, the documentary has held a tenuous relationship with the popular cinema. Between 1896 and 1907 almost all motion pictures were documentary films. Reels limited running time to a few minutes. Titles of the day included Arrival of a Train, Gondola Scene in Venice, and The Fish Market in Marseilles.

By 1912 documentaries were in decline. The increasing use of staged sequences such as The Coronation of Elizabeth II and Charge up San Juan Hill diluted its significance. The increasing production of fiction films, The Great Train Robbery often cited as the first, and the establishment of the commercial studio system relegated the documentary form to a diminishing role in popular taste. The documentary was not financially viable.

After the initial decline of the documentary only the newsreel and travelogue kept the form alive. Notable exceptions such as Robert Flaherty’s Nanook of the North and the agitprop films of Dziga Vertov in Russia began to foreshadow the future of documentary –- the ability to bring us closer to real people and significant events.

In choosing the “road movie” or travelogue model in Nobelity and One Peace at a Time, Turk connects us with the one form of documentary that has survived intact from the beginnings of documentary film. Even when other forms were in decline, the travelogue remained viable.

The documentarists of the 1940s through the 1960s struggled continuously with the limitations of technology. The size and weight of cameras and recording equipment and the sensitivity of film required large crews, limited the shot possibilities, and demanded extensive lighting to produce.

In the 1970s portable video equipment began to offer hope that the potential of the documentary form might be fulfilled. The cost of professional video equipment remained an obstacle to wide use but in recent years even that difficulty has been overcome with the arrival of light, self-contained and high-quality camcorders.

As the technology available to the documentarist has evolved so has the art and technique. The predominant narrative technique of the 30s and 40s was the “voice of god.” An off-camera narrator explained in dramatic tones what was seen onscreen as in The Plow That Broke the Plains and Victory at Sea.

By the 1960s the techniques of French cinema verité moved the viewer closer to the subject creating a more immediate experience. The “fly on the wall” technique, which sought to eliminate the perception of the camera and narrator, told stories in the first person only. These techniques sought to further immerse the viewer in the events.

An evolutionary improvement of the first-person technique is the presence of an on-camera guide –- a narrator to bridge and give meaning to the sequences. A further evolution is reflexivity, which reminds us that we are seeing a film, and further engages us in the experience.

Examples of reflexivity are Turk’s acknowledgement of the production process such as holding a door open for the camera, including the camera in the shots, and his conversational awareness of the viewer. Dziga Vertov, Luis Buñuel, Alfred Hitchcock, and others use this technique effectively to involve the viewer more organically in the experience.

Taken together, the availability of lightweight high quality equipment, the use of first person narrative, spontaneity of movement, music and sound, and low cost digital distribution has finally freed the documentary from it’s early confinement and makes the form available to anyone who has the desire to inform, inspire, and create understanding. Follow Turk’s example, see the film, choose a cause, get a camcorder, and document your project to save the world!

Wikipedia on Documentary.

UC Berkeley — Media Resources Center
Chronology of Documentary History.

International Documentary Association
See outstanding documentaries online.

[William Michael Hanks has written, produced and directed film and television productions for the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, The U. S. Information Agency, and for Public Broadcasting. His documentary film The Apollo File won a Gold Medal at the Festival of the Americas. William Michael Hanks lives in Nacagdoches, Texas.]

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Zine Fest : When Houston is Cool

Zines on parade at Zine Fest Houston, May 16, 2009. Photo by Rob Block / Houston Independent Media.

Zine Fest Houston 2009

The fest showcased dozens of writers, artists, publishers and distros who presented a wide variety of independent publications with topics ranging from politics to poetry, from freegan lifestyle to bicycle messengering. . . featuring characters ranging from gay republicans to small town preachers to pot-smoking superheroes.

By shane patrick boyle / The Rag Blog / June 2, 2009

Also see, Space City News at Zine Fest: No ‘fusty ramble down memory lane,’ by Chris Tebow Smith, Below.

Houston often gets a bad rap for being not as cool (both in terms of culture and temperature) as other cities like Austin for example, but this doesn’t stop creative people in the humid city from doing cool stuff anyway. Years ago, when what is now known as Zine Fest Houston was still in its planning stages, we were frequently told that a zine fest in Houston could never happen. There is no zine scene in Houston people still tell me. No zines and no interest in zines. All of this may be true but you wouldn’t know it if you attended the 2009 Zine Fest Houston last month.

Zine Fest Houston (formerly known as The Houston Comix and Zine Festival) is an event dedicated to promoting zines, minicomics and other forms of small press, alternative, underground and diy media & art. It is also a grassroots attempt to build the local zine, diy and alternative media scenes and form networks with media creators in other areas. The goal of the event is for attendees to not only discover new publications, but also to be inspired to create their own diy media projects.

Approximately 250 people attended this year’s event which took place May 16 at the Caroline Collective in Houston’s museum district. The fest showcased dozens of writers, artists, publishers and distros who presented a wide variety of independent publications with topics ranging from politics to poetry, from freegan lifestyle to bicycle messengering, from autobiography to fantasy and fiction featuring characters ranging from gay republicans to small town preachers to pot-smoking superheroes. It also featured live music, spoken word performances, a kids’ area for lil’ zinstas, an exhibit of local publications and the presentation on Space City News (later renamed Space City!), Houston’s first underground newspaper and first recognized alternative publication.

Most of the creators represented were from Houston and other Texas cities, but Heather Rector came all the way from Sacramento by bus with five issues of her zine, Dreams of Donuts, which features autobiographical comics about dumpster diving, communal living, relationships, silk screening, zine making and freegan living. She said she enjoyed Houston and plans to do her next zine about Zine Fest Houston.

MC Miller and Jen Hernandez of Austin will also be including comics about Zine Fest Houston in an upcoming zine. Their autobiographical humor comic Buttersword appears both online and in print form. The Zine Fest episodes of Buttersword are already up in the web version and can be found here, here, here, and here.

Another Austinite working in both online and print comics who attended was Dylan Edwards. This was the second Zine Fest for Dylan whose comic, Politically Inqueerect, focuses on the relationship of a gay couple with conservative poitical views. He also does Tranny Toons and Outfield (a series of one-panel sports comics with an LGBT theme) which have appeared online and in syndication. Dylan, a very busy person who is a commercial artist by trade, also does sculptures of little monsters called Feeping Creatures (Feeps for short) and has a nonfiction graphic novel coming out next year that deals with personal stories of people who are both gay and transgender.

Variety is definitely the spice of Zine Fest Houston. Among titles like Political Inqueerect, the Green Reefer and Bad Ass Zine, you could also find Dave Nelson’s Finding Elim, a wholesome comic about a fictional small town, focusing on a Presbyterian pastor and his more liberated granddaughter. When Dave contacted me about tabling at the Fest, he cautioned that his comics might be a bit tame for our tastes. Nevertheless, Dave fit right in with the other zinstas and told me his comics received a better reception at Zine Fest than at a comics convention he attended two weeks earlier.

And while we’re on the subject of variety, I should point out out that Zine Fest Houston had more to offer than just comics. John Rittman’s MPH was pointed out by many attendees as an example of how a zine can be about anything. MPH, now in its tenth year, is described as “a magazine for disgruntled couriers and asshole bartenders.” Literary publications such as Panhandler and Nano Fiction offered poetry and short fiction and Hank Hancock read from his zine, Broke, which is a serialized novel.

Underbelly Printing presented hand-made, silkscreened books. Lauren Trout of Arcade Distro had a wide assortment of zines to offer and Sedition Collective brought samples of some of the publications available in their infoshop. Music distros were also represented. Walter and Hannah of Straight Up Distro sold international anarchist music and Team Science Records showcased music by local indy bands.

There was also an exhibit of zines and alternative media published in Houston. The exhibit curated by Jo Collier and myself included zines going back to the early 80s and underground newspapers dating back to the mid 60s and an archive of gay publications.

The highlight of the festival was the Space City News panel presentation by Thorne Dreyer and Sherwood Bishop.

Thorne Dreyer was founding “funnel” of The Rag, Austin’s original underground newspaper (it was one of the nation’s first and longest running, and was also distributed in Houston), a member of SDS in Austin, a founder of Space City News (Space City!), Houston’s first alternative newspaper, a member of the editorial collective at Liberation News Service (LNS) in New York, and a former station manager at KPFT, Houston’s Pacifica station. He currently serves as co-editor of The Rag Blog and as director of the New Journalism Project in Austin.

Sherwood Bishop has been active in alternative media since 1969, when he joined the Space City! collective. In the 1970s and 80s he worked at and/or wrote for numerous other publications, including the Dallas Notes from the Underground, Liberation Magazine in New York, and several Houston publications, including Houston City Magazine, In Art, and Art Scene. He was also an early pioneer in the web media, having established one of the first internet sites at the University of Texas in the early 90s. He currently teaches economics at Texas State University in San Marcos.

The two spoke about Space City News, late 60s and 70s radicalism in Houston and Austin and underground media in general and discussed how the work they were doing is relevant for activists and journalists today. The presentation served as a reunion for the paper which turns 40 this Friday. They were also joined by other Space City! alumni including Chris Tebow Smith, who sold Space City News out of her locker as a student at Westbury High School, Russ Noland, and cindy soo. A recording of the discussion can be found here.

A workshop on writing for alternative media, to be hosted by Houston IndyMedia was planned to follow the Space City! presentation, but was canceled when strong winds and the threat of rain forced the outside portion of the festival to move inside, displacing the workshops and the exhibit.

Some people, including a few exhibitors left at this point, but a small crowd remained, more people continued arriving and the festive atmosphere went on until after the planned ending time.

[Shane patrick boyle is the founder and primary organizer of Zine Fest Houston.]

Oldtimers in flowered shirts! Former Space City staffers at Zine Fest Houston: Sherwood Bishop, cindy soo, Rag Blog co-editor Thorne Dreyer and Chris Tebow Smith.

Space City News at Zine Fest: No ‘fusty ramble down memory lane…’

By Chris Tebow Smith / The Rag Blog / June 2, 2009

Recently, I went to Zine Fest Houston for a presentation by Thorne Dreyer and Sherwood Bishop about Houston’s underground newspaper, Space City News (later renamed “Space City!”) and the underground press movement of the 1960s and 1970s. Thorne was one of the founders of Space City News and Sherwood was a longtime collective member.

Rather than a fusty ramble down memory lane, it was a great and refreshingly relevant presentation on Space City News, Freak culture, (we weren’t apolitical hippies with flowers in our hair) the KKK’s violent opposition, police oppression, Pacifica radio, The Rag, the underground press, that led into a discussion of activism and progressive politics in the blogosphere today. In addition to a lively give and take with Thorne and members of the audience, Sherwood provided the Show and Tell, bringing a collection of vintage underground rags to display.

I am honored to know these guys and lucky to have spent some of my formative years at their feet during a politically-charged, socially convulsive, historic moment when civil rights, the anti-war movement, gay rights, and feminism formed a Voice that changed the world.

Space City News was the lighthouse in Houston for others like me who came from far and wide to join the growing family of activists gathering at the base, happy to find other counterculture freaks. Thorne mentioned how easily identifiable we all were to each other — and to the “straights” — wherever we traveled. It was like having a new skin color in common.

I was still in high school, getting called to the office regularly for refusing to say the Pledge of Allegiance, wearing a black armband to protest the war in Vietnam, and wearing a flag shirt sewn by my best buddy Robin Zank. (Abbie Hoffman later had Robin make one for him after he saw my flag shirt while speaking in Houston.)

I devoured every issue of Space City! and decided that I had to be a part of it. When I called to find out how to sell the paper, the person I spoke to was Sherwood Bishop, who immediately took me under his wing as my Space City! mentor. I still remember a few lines of the Cuban National Anthem.

In those days, the New Left reeked with male chauvinism, but I remember the Space City collective as a group of equals, and the sharp, strong women in it demanded respect and got it. These were the early, exciting days of Women’s Liberation, and I looked up to them as role models.

I started selling Space City News from my locker at Westbury High School, which led me straight back to the office and almost caused my expulsion from 11th grade, but I kept at it. Kids were hungry for the truth and the paper was very popular. Copies passed from hand to hand all over the school, and its influence was evident. The high school version of the college campus group SDS soon sprang up. It was called SUDS — Student Union for a Democratic Society, and we protested ROTC recruitment on campus among other things. At Bellaire High, Harrell Graham started one of the growing number of high school underground papers, “The Plain Brown Watermelon.” And we all marched, again and again, against the war.

Those were heady times, full of righteous outrage, meetings, outrageous fun, meetings, passionate activism, and more meetings. It was a sweet treat to reconnect with my two old friends and mentors. I have missed them, but not the meetings

Space City! display at Zine Fest Houston. Photo by Rob Block / Houston Independent Media.

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Austin’s ‘Mary House’ : From a Real ‘Pro-Life’ Catholic Worker

I fear that the most recent murder of an abortion doctor will inflame the hatred and zeal of these people, who in private and public will try to justify the murders of abortionists.

By Lynn Goodman-Strauss / The Rag Blog / June 2, 2009

My work in the Austin Catholic Worker house of hospitality, Mary House, consumes all of my time. Our work is a scandal in this very rich town, because we are the ONLY free medically supportive housing (versus hospitals and nursing homes, which most sick and dying people do not need). Our guests are homeless adults with terminal or critical illnesses, and about one third of them are middle class people whose illnesses outlasted their benefits, real property, savings and automobiles!

That said, it is clear that this work is as “pro-life” as it comes. Which everyone but the “real” pro-lifers believes! I fear that the most recent murder of an abortion doctor will inflame the hatred and zeal of these people, who in private and public will try to justify the murders of abortionists. This is just as hypocritical and vicious as I can imagine, and so I have written a letter to the Austin Statesman, which they may refuse to publish. I also sent a copy to the local Catholic bishop, Gregory Aymond.

Although we may not agree on whether a fetus is a person, we never will disagree about the evil of murdering any person. I cannot say that about most Catholics, evangelicals, and other “pro-lifers” (read, anti-abortion, NOT pro-life in any sense that would actually enhance the lives of unaborted, unwanted children — you know, stuff like day care, health care, education, prenatal vitamins, etc.) will countenance the most basic of Christian tenets, Love. Love in Action, to be more precise. Sometimes it seems that our work in catholic worker communities consists of evangelizing Christians to their own faith!

Here is the letter I sent:

This is a codicil to those who say that an abortion doctor’s murder is somehow justified. Gandhi said it best: “An eye for an eye only makes the whole world blind.” Those of us who value life must respect the life of every single human being. That includes criminals on death row and abortion doctors, too. After all, the Jesus we pro-lifers claim to follow forgave his own murderers as he died a cruel and unjust death.

We who call ourselves Christians cannot pick and choose those we deem worthy of life. Shame on misguided souls who rationalize the death of one doctor to “prevent” abortion. Murder is murder! And human life is human life, no matter who the person is or what he does, or how old she is.

Very truly yours,

Lynn Goodman-Strauss
Mary House Catholic Worker
Austin, TX

Go here to learn about Austin’s Mary House.

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