Joe Nick Patoski : Austin’s Historic SoCo Is Just Plain Different

The historically ‘untramodern’ Austin Motel on South Congress. Image from Hoketronics.

‘It’s Just Different Here’:
The bustling life of Austin’s SoCo

By Joe Nick Patoski / The Rag Blog / March 16, 2011

Noted Texas journalist, author, and rock historian Joe Nick Patoski will be Thorne Dreyer’s guest on Rag Radio, Friday, March 18, 2011, 2-3 p.m. (CST), on KOOP 91.7-FM in Austin. To stream Rag Radio live on the internet, go here. To listen to this interview after it is broadcast — and to other shows on the Rag Radio archives — go here.

AUSTIN — To experience Austin, Texas, you could take a walk up Congress Avenue, starting at the Ann W. Richards Bridge that spans Lady Bird Lake, the dammed-up part of the Colorado River that runs through the heart of this city.

Heading north, you’d pass the city’s leading banks, tallest condos, finest law firms, and most influential lobbying firms, as well as an art museum, a jazz club, and fine-dining restaurants. In about 15 minutes, you’d reach the Renaissance Revival Texas State Capitol, the best-known landmark in the Lone Star State, with a dome that stands 15 feet higher than the one in Washington, D.C.

But to immerse yourself in this city’s quirky personality, turn around and go the other way. Head south from the bridge, past the bat statue, and up the hill along South Congress Avenue to the intersection with Academy Drive.

The landmark to look for is the Austin Motel, a spiffed-up classic of the American West. A message at the bottom of the red neon sign out front reads, “So close yet so far out,” and the other side says, “No additives, no preservatives, corporate free since 1938.”

That pretty much sums up the funk and cool that is South Congress and announces that you’re not in normal Austin anymore: This is the Other Austin, the Austin whose peculiarities separate it from everywhere else in Texas.

Creative enterprises here have attracted the kind of bustling street life that makes urban planners drool. Only no one planned, envisioned, or designed this. A series of serendipitous accidents involving some uniquely Austin characters is responsible. In other words, no planning has been the most effective planning of all.

Locals refer to the idiosyncratic retail and entertainment district either as South Congress or SoCo. (Abe Zimmerman dubbed a cluster of restored shops here the SoCo Center in 1999, trying to make use of an old sign that was missing a few letters.) But no matter what it’s called or how you pronounce it, you’ve got to admit South Congress is a testament to the power of creative restoration and reinvention.

Take the Hotel San José, one block up from the Austin Motel. A lavishly tiled “ultramodern motor court” when it opened in 1936, the Spanish Colonial Revival structure gradually fell into disrepair, functioning as a brothel for legislators for a period, then a Bible school, then a flophouse.

In 1995, Liz Lambert, an attorney with West Texas roots who’d worked for the New York district attorney before she became homesick, bought the hotel for $500,000. She thought she would redo the 24 rooms one by one — until Lake/Flato Architects convinced her otherwise. The motor court was instead reimagined as an understated, almost minimalist space — ultramodern once again — with a zen-like courtyard, a pool area, and the inviting open-air Jo’s Hot Coffee café across the parking lot.

The hotel and coffee shop were immediate hits and have become the major alt community gathering spot on the avenue, so compelling that singer Raul Malo wrote and recorded an ode to the hotel.

The Continental Club, a legendary blues venue on South Congress. Image from bologna+squash.

The Continental Club, across the street from the San José, is one of the longest-thriving and most popular music clubs in an admittedly music-obsessed town.

The modernist Continental opened as a private cocktail lounge in 1957 and later featured touring burlesque dancers Candy Barr and Bubbles Cash. In the 1970s, it was revived as a rock and blues club. Then Steve Wertheimer quit his job as a comptroller for a real estate firm to restore the club’s Eisenhower-era splendor, and he reopened the venue as a roots rock and alt country showcase.

“I’m a preservationist by nature,” Wertheimer says, about his restoration efforts. “I’m stuck in that period of the ’50s, from the clothing and the music to the cars and the architecture. Those glass blocks at the entrance had been covered up. They needed to be brought back.”

One block south and across the avenue from the Continental, in a century-old building that formerly housed Central Feed and Seed, is Güero’s Taco Bar, which owners Rob and Cathy Lippincott opened in 1995 after moving their restaurant from its original location a couple of miles away. Six months after opening, President Bill Clinton stopped in for dinner (“He cleaned his plate”), business shot up 40 percent, and it’s been busy ever since.

South Congress is just as distinctive for what isn’t there: national clone restaurants, large chain retailers, and retail clusters amid a sea of asphalt. No master plan was sketched out to make it happen. No tax breaks were requested for improvements (in marked contrast to The Domain, a planned mall and residential development on Austin’s northwestern fringe that is the beneficiary of tens of millions of dollars in tax abatements from the city). South Congress merchants just want to be left alone.

Austin was always different from the rest of Texas. It was established in 1839, not because of the area’s strategic location but rather for its aesthetic beauty. The second president of the Republic of Texas, Mirabeau Lamar, killed a buffalo near the present capitol building and noted that the area’s hills, waterways, and pleasing surroundings would make a fine place to locate Texas’ government.

South Congress Avenue was South Austin’s main street from the very beginning and, with the advent of the automobile, the main highway south to San Antonio. Increased traffic inspired the construction of one- and two-story storefronts in the 1920s and 1930s, followed by motels and cafés. But after the Interregional Highway, now Interstate 35, opened in the early 1960s, the road-oriented businesses declined and much of South Congress emptied out.

That was the state of the avenue in 1988, when Kent Cole and Diana Prechter fixed a beat-up wood-frame building that had operated as Flossie’s bar and the Austex Lounge, and reopened it as Magnolia Cafe South, a second location for their homegrown eatery famous for gingerbread pancakes and comfort food.

Why South Congress? Mainly because the rent was cheap, they say. “The only pedestrians on the sidewalks were hookers and drug dealers,” Cole remembers. “Normal people did not walk South Congress.”

It was so dicey the first year and a half that Prechter kept her day job while Cole started looking for other employment. A last-ditch decision to expand operations to 24 hours changed everything. The café tapped into the city’s sizable late-night crowd, and the staff stepped up their game so that Cole and Prechter could make enough money to begin buying nearby properties, some of them historic.

“In Austin, parking is everything,” he says — a constant danger to the historic fabric of older neighborhoods. “So we would buy adjacent businesses and rent them to tenants who were sympathetic with Magnolia Cafe South, allowing our customers to use the spaces in front of their storefronts.”

Memories of drug dealers and prostitutes began to fade in the 1990s. Austin, a relatively small city for most of its history, suddenly enjoyed a tremendous economic boom that attracted new residents and drove an increased demand for older housing stock in the Travis Heights and Bouldin Creek neighborhoods. That in turn spurred massive renovation along South Congress and throughout old South Austin.

SoCo street scene. Image from The Texas Twang.

A $4 million bond issue passed by the city council in 1998 for sidewalk, bicycle, and pedestrian enhancements improved the avenue’s curb appeal. But when city planners followed with a long-term plan for South Congress that included light rail on the avenue, the merchants allied with the neighborhoods to stop the project.

Six months to a year of construction would be fatal to the many small businesses whose profits were marginal, merchants argued. “That’s an awful long time to take a high-traffic street and close it,” says Gail ­Armstrong, owner of Off the Wall antiques. “No one here could survive that. And if we did survive, most of us couldn’t afford the spike in real estate prices that comes with rail.”

“It’s a complicated area,” admits George Adams, assistant director in the planning and development review department for the City of Austin.

Its development has been more organic, or market-driven, which complicates any attempt to do things. You start out with certain attitudes:”What’s wrong with these people? Don’t they know we’re trying to help them?” Over time, we’ve come to understand the benefit of doing things incrementally, how to make changes and accommodate the needs of the small businesses and of the residents. South Congress has taught us a lot.

Preservationists agree. Dealey Herndon, who is overseeing restoration of the Governor’s Mansion, sees the avenue as part of Austin’s historic fabric:

The vibrant evolution of South Congress is a great example of bringing older neighborhood business areas to life by celebrating the eclectic character of the architecture, the simpler life of a city in an earlier era, and the creativity of new one-of-a-kind businesses. Every business is unique, every building has a personality, and all of this comes together to create a part of Austin that is universally appealing.

Today the avenue remains extraordinarily popular and largely “corporate free.” When a Starbucks opened on South Congress as part of a new apartment complex built closer to downtown, merchants held their collective breath. Two years ago they exhaled when the franchise shut down.

Zoning restrictions that limit commercial businesses to no more than a half-block off South Congress, the small footprints of existing buildings, the high bar the city sets for teardowns, and the lack of parking are some of the reasons why the chains and big-box stores haven’t gained much of a foothold. A bigger factor is the transition of pioneers like the Lippincotts, Cole and Prechter, and Wertheimer from renters to owner-operators and landlords.

Wertheimer misses the days when his hot-rod buddies had the avenue all to themselves, when there was a liquor store on his block, and Just Guns occupied the space where American Apparel, one of very few national chain stores on the avenue, stands now. “We don’t own it like we used to,” he laments.

But as an investor in the San José, Perla’s Seafood and Oyster Bar, and Home Slice Pizza, and as a property owner who has increased his holdings over the years, he realizes he can influence future growth in his own small way, as he did three years ago when he bought and restored the Avenue Barber Shop, one of the oldest businesses on South Congress. “It’s one of those things I didn’t want to go away,” he says. “That’s where I get my hair cut. It still smells like it’s 1933 in there.”

Whatever happens, Wertheimer and his neighbors hope some degree of funk and cool continues oozing through. If places like the barber shop and people like Wertheimer go away, it won’t be South Congress anymore. And without South Congress, Austin wouldn’t be quite as different from everywhere else.

[Joe Nick Patoski has been writing about Texas and Texans for 35 years. He is the author of three biographies of Texas musicians (Willie Nelson, Selena, and Stevie Ray Vaughan) and books about the state’s mountains, coast, and Big Bend National Park. This article first appeared in the July/August 2010 issue of Preservation: The Magazine of the National Trust for Preservation.]

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Mr. Fish : Barack Obama Digs a Foxhole

Political cartoon by Mr. Fish / Clowncrack.com

CLICK ON IMAGE TO ENLARGE.

Thanks to Harry Edwards / The Rag Blog

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James Retherford : Austin Street Band Festival: Marching for the Cause

The Honk!TX parade heads east down 2nd Street. Photo by James Retherford / The Rag Blog.

Marching for the cause:
Austin’s first community street band festival

By James Retherford / The Rag Blog / March 16, 2011

The streets belong to the people.
— Diggers, San Francisco, 1967

See more photos, Below.

AUSTIN — The first annual Honk!TX Fest, billed a “festival of community street hands,” marched on Austin Friday through Sunday, March 11-13.

Continuing a Honk! tradition started in 2006 in Somerville, Massachusetts — while also KEEPING AUSTIN WEIRD — some two dozen U.S. and Canadian street bands in gala attire created mobile “liberated zones” in East Austin and the North Campus area with color, costume, cacophony, and collective spirit, carrying “messages of hope, unity, and social change.” The weekend culminated on Sunday with a march from City Hall to East Austin’s Pan American Park, followed by an all-day jam.

(Though not formally associated with Austin’s massive South by Southwest [SXSW] festival, this event is part of hundreds of related music activities happening over the next week here in the “live music capital of the world.”)

The festival was organized by Austin’s Minor Mishap Marching Band, a 30-plus-member “renegade brass band” that describes itself as “Bourbon Street meets Budapest.” MMMP is a truly absurdist spectacle featuring a washboard-playing Roller Derby queen, an (almost) seven-foot-tall Elvis impersonator playing bass drum, a klezmer-shredding clarinet player, dancing tubas, and assorted other freaks of musical nature. Founded two years ago by multi-instrumentalist Datri Bean, this band really kicks it!

The Minor Mishap Marching Band hosted the weekend festival and set a high bar for musicality and theatre. Photo by James Retherford / The Rag Blog.

Also representing Austin (by way of Brazil, sorta) was the samba-sashaying Acadêmicos da Ópera, a huge contingent of drummers and dancers bringing the sensuous rhythms of the Carnaval parade.

The out-of-town guests brought their own hit-and-run street parties also. The red-and-white-themed Extraordinary Rendition Band from Providence, Rhode Island, the green-clad March Madness Marching Band (with hula-hoop twirlers) from Lexington, Kentucky, the Hubbub Club from Graton, California, Environmental Encroachment from Chicago, and Atlanta’s Seed & Feed Marching Abominable (founded in 1974) combined slapstick guerrilla street theatrics with high-energy funk, heavy metal, Eastern European, and Dixieland marching tunes.

Of special note: Seattle’s ultra-tight Titanium Sporkestra, named after the ubiquitous mutant fast food eating utensil. Their logo features a red spork and sickle.

The medium was unhinged fun, but the message from all of those hard-working, fun-loving musical groups was freedom and justice, starting from each public space liberated through the act of playing and then spiraling outward, with insistent drum beat, to the rest of the world. Ya gotta love it.

Minor Mishap Marching Band will open for White Ghost Shivers at Threadgill’s World Headquarters in Austin on March 26.

[Austin activist-journalist James Retherford was a founder and editor of The Spectator in Bloomington, Indiana, in 1966. A graphic designer, writer, and editor, Retherford is a director of the New Journalism Project, the nonprofit organization that publishes The Rag Blog.]

Atlanta’s Seed & Feed Marching Abominable’s “drum majorette” (left) leads the ensemble through some intricate dance steps. Right, The Titanium Sporkestra’s horn section feels the funk.

Austin’s Acadêmicos da Ópera sets a Carnaval mood with a spirited street samba.

The March Madness Marching Band from basketball-crazy Lexington, KY, is all about hoops.

Providence’s activist Extraordinary Rendition Band marches to the beat of a different drummer.

Big Elvis and Lil Miss Hap bring it to the street with that weird Austin beat. Photos by James Retherford / The Rag Blog.

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Jonah Raskin : Don Cox, the ‘Wistful’ Panther

Former Black Panther Field Marshal Don Cox — shown with his son in exile in Algiers — died last month. Image from Black Bird Press.

Donald Cox, 1936-2011:
The beauty of the moon
and the passion of the Black Panthers

By Jonah Raskin / The Rag Blog / March 15, 2011

It was sad news that former Black Panther, Don Cox, died in France, February 19, 2011, at the age of 74, but I had to laugh at The New York Times obituary by Bruce Weber that described the Panthers as “the socialist movement founded by Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale in Oakland, Calif., in 1966.” True, the Panthers were founded by Newton and Seale in 1966 in Oakland, but they were not a socialist movement, not by any stretch of the imagination.

They did for a time provide breakfast for children and they did want community control of institutions, such as police departments and schools, in black neighborhoods, but they did not advocate socialism.

They were part of the Black Nationalist movement that made allies with young, radical whites, and they also shared optimism and the political tactics of the anti-colonial upsurges that spread across the Third World in the 1960s.

I met Donald Cox — “DC” as we called him — and got to know him, briefly, in Algiers in 1970. I had gone to Algiers with a group of Yippies to meet Eldridge Cleaver and Timothy Leary, both of whom were wanted by U.S. authorities and were living in exile.

DC was the mellowest. DC was the coolest, and much less of a megalomaniac or egomaniac than Cleaver or Leary. In fact, he wasn’t a megalomaniac or an egomaniac at all. He didn’t want to change the world with guns or LSD and he didn’t want to run it either. Like Cleaver and Leary, he was also wanted by the FBI and considered “dangerous,” but he seemed wistful to me.

From left, Black Panthers Big Man, Don Cox, and June Hilliard at Panther national headquarters, Oakland, California, 1970. Image from gothamist.

In Algiers, he was concerned about the security of the Panthers and their Embassy because CIA agents monitored their activities. He was also a gracious host who took us — Stew Albert, Anita Hoffman, Brian Flanagan, Jennifer Dohrn, Marty Kenner and me — on a tour of the city, pointing out historical landmarks. He brought us one afternoon to the Place du Martyrs and explained that the French had executed suspected Algerian guerrillas here and then dumped their bodies into the harbor.

He turned to Jennifer Dohrn and asked her, “What color is that water?” She looked down. I looked down. We all did. “It’s reddish-blue,” Jennifer said. And indeed it was. It looked like the sea was awash in blood. “The Algerians say that it’s their blood that gives it that color,” DC explained. “The red blood of the guerrillas changed the color of the Mediterranean.”

At a feast at a seafood restaurant, DC was our official host and sat at the opposite head of the table from Cleaver. He ordered food for everyone — shrimp and fish and white wine. DC was also made uneasy by two African Americans at the bar who said they were from San Francisco, and whom he suspected worked for the CIA. Sekou, one of the Panthers, spoke softly.

“I got us all covered,” he said. And indeed he did. I looked under the table and saw that he had a gun in his hand. I was confident he’d use it if need be. He had hijacked an airplane at gunpoint to get to Algiers.

DC didn’t have a gun in Algiers. I never saw him with one, either under a table or on his own person, though I did see Cleaver with an AK-47 in his lap. In 1970, DC expressed concern about living in exile. He hoped that he would not have to remain for the rest of his life outside his own native country. He missed San Francisco.

He did live in exile for the next 40 years of his life; his widow noted that before his death, exile had begun to wear on him. I’m sure it did and yet what strikes me most about DC now is his longevity. He lived longer than many of the Black Panthers, such as Huey Newton, and Eldridge Cleaver, who became a born-again Christian, a Republican, and a crack-head in the 1990s in Oakland.

DC never turned his back on his ideals, his passion for justice or his appreciation of beauty.

One night, we all looked up at the moon and admired its beauty.

“In Babylon, you can’t appreciate the moon’s beauty,” DC told us. “But here you have the time and space to dig on it.” That’s the way I’d like to remember DC, the Black Panther Field Marshal, who lived more than half his life in exile, and who learned in exile to appreciate the beauty of the moon.

[Jonah Raskin teaches at Sonoma State University and is the author of For the Hell of It: The Life and Times of Abbie Hoffman.]

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VERSE / Verandah Porche : REVOLUTION

Graphic from Rafftrax.

REVOLUTION

Lo, no virtue?

Root, unveil our novel It

O, live no rut. Rev unto oil.

Our violent into velour,

Rune to viol, ruin to love.

Verandah Porche / The Rag Blog
March 14, 2011

[Verandah Porche is a poet and writing partner in Guilford, Vermont. Read more of her work at verandahporche.com.]

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Kate Braun : Vernal Equinox, a Time for Balancing

Image from imtalkinghere.

Balancing of Planet Earth:
Vernal Equinox: March 20, 2011

By Kate Braun / The Rag Blog / March 14, 2011

Jewel of warmth, Jewel of the Sun/
And the blossoming of Spring has begun.

Sunday, March 20, 2011 is the Vernal (or Spring) Equinox, also named Ostara and Lady Day. The full moon of 3/19/11 will still be exerting her influence but Sunday is the Sun’s day and his growing strength is likely to overpower Lady Moon’s lingering energies.

Use any pastel shades of color in your decorations, but emphasize pink, yellow, and green hues. Also use eggs, crosses with equal arms (solar and Celtic designs), wildflowers, living plants, and rabbit-images. Rabbits were sacred to Diana, one of the goddesses honored on this day; eggs have an association with Eoster, a goddess of Springtime, whose name comes from the same Indo-European root (“Au) as Eos and Aurora (the Greek and Roman dawn goddesses).

Eoster, like Diana, is a maiden aspect of goddessness, signifying youth, new growth, beginnings, and spring. Eoster was fond of sweet things, so incorporating honey and chocolate into your menu will please her as well as your guests.

Eggs are the most important part of this celebration and should be used in the foods eaten, the activities pursued, the decorations for the celebration. One activity that encompasses all these areas is he use of hard-boiled and decorated eggs as place cards/party favors for your guests.

When all are seated, all should crack their eggs (symbolizing the cracking of winter’s ice), peel away the white (symbolizing the melting of winter’s snow), and expose the hard-cooked yolk (symbolizing Lord Sun in all his golden glory). Then all guests should share pieces of their egg with all other guests (symbolizing a sharing of Lord Sun’s glory).

While this is being done, it would be good for you as leader to remind your guests that the eggshell represents Earth, the egg’s membrane represents Air, its yolk represents Fire, its white represents Water; Earth, Air, Fire, and Water are the four elements that are required to create all things so an egg may be considered the symbol of all and everything.

Solstices and Equinoxes are times when we become more aware of the continual balancing and rebalancing of Planet Earth and of ourselves and our souls. Let the concept of balance in all things form the center of your plans, activities, and celebrations.

[Kate Braun’s website is www.tarotbykatebraun.com. She can be reached at kate_braun2000@yahoo.com.]

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Paul Beckett : A Perfect Day in Madison

A few of the 100,000 that hit the streets of Madison, Wisc., Saturday, March 12, 2011. Photo by Paul Beckett / The Rag Blog.

Just ask 100,000 people!
A Perfect Day in Madison, Wisconsin

By Paul Beckett / The Rag Blog / March 13, 2011

[This is the third of Paul Beckett’s reports from Madison for The Rag Blog.]

MADISON, Wisconsin — Saturday, March 12, 2011. The wind off the frozen lakes was often 20 miles an hour (or more) and from the north. Windchills were in the 20s. It was mainly cloudy. Here and there, old snow and ice remained, and where there was no ice, the Wisconsin Capitol grounds had been trampled into a slippery, muddy morass. And it was beautiful!

Absolutely unprecedented crowds gathered for a whole day of protest events. Police estimates were 100,000 (but exact estimates are impossible). The crowd filled the Capitol square streets, sidewalks and what once were lawns, and then flowed down State Street and Wisconsin Avenue.

This time, a powerful sound system was in place and you could hear the speeches from far out in the crowd. In fact, you could hear them twice as the sound reflected off the taller buildings.

The breadth of social groups protesting Governor Scott Walker’s “union-busting” and public service-cutting Budget Repair Bill was truly awesome. The private sector unions were there (often with major leadership figures). The public service unions (AFSCME and the teachers unions) were there. The firemen, policemen and prison staff were there. Teachers and workers had come from Michigan, where things are also bad.

Farmers staged a tractor parade during the massive Madison protest. Photo by Paul Beckett / The Rag Blog.

Farmers came in, protesting the planned cutbacks in the Medicaid-based programs on which so many of them depend. Late in the morning a tractor parade pushed through the already-dense crowds, festooned with anti-Walker signs (many of them referring to the animal waste that is so familiar to farmers).

But the dominant impression one got was just of PEOPLE: all kinds of people, from all over Wisconsin, unaffiliated, unorganized. Just people. A feeling of complete like-mindedness and shared values and interests linked 100,000 people together.

Thank you, Scott Walker.

By 3 p.m., when the main program began, no one could move. The 14 Democratic senators who had decamped to Illinois to thwart passage of Walker’s bill were welcomed back. Each gave a speech to tumultuous applause and chants of “Thank you! Thank you!” They had not, in fact, stopped the bill. But they had provided almost three weeks for understanding — and protest — to develop

Photo by Paul Beckett / The Rag Blog.

Also, the holdout of the “Fab 14” ultimately forced the Walker camp to “pass” their bill in an abrupt night-time procedure that was full of parliamentary improprieties, and perhaps downright illegal.

The speakers (besides the 14, they included Jesse Jackson, Tony Shalhoub, and Susan Sarandon) noted that now the battle continues, but the battlefield changes.

Suits are already being brought to challenge the legality of the law in the courts.

More important in the longer run are the recall campaigns . While “Recall Walker” was a constant theme in signs and chants, under Wisconsin law that effort can not begin until next year. But petitions against eight Republican Senators have been filed, with May 2 deadlines for completion. There was an enormous sense of energy for these yesterday.

Meanwhile, a Utah-based anti-immigration group has already invaded Wisconsin (it is perfectly legal, it seems) to organize recalls against members of the Democratic “Fab 14” who got so much thanks and appreciation yesterday.

Control of the Wisconsin Senate will be determined during the coming summer by the outcome of these efforts.

Those who participated Saturday went home elated and politically energized in a way that few of us have been for some time. But all understood, as well, that Saturday did not mark the end of a battle, but its beginning. It will be a long battle for the future of Wisconsin, and no one can be sure of the outcome. And Wisconsin, in turn, clearly is just one battleground in the broader struggle for the country’s future.

[Dr. Paul Beckett lives in Madison, Wisconsin. He can be reached at beckettpa@gmail.com.]

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Ted McLaughlin : The Japan Quake and Nuclear Power

Explosion at Japan’s Fukushima Daiichi No 1 plant following Japan’s earthquake and tsunami. Image from Reuters.

After the Japan quake:
We must rethink nuclear power

By Ted McLaughlin / The Rag Blog / March 13, 2011

By now everyone knows about the disastrous earthquake that has hit Japan. At a magnitude of 8.9 it is one of the largest earthquakes to hit any country, and it has been a catastrophe to the heavily populated nation.

As I write this the official death toll is around 700 people, but many thousands are still missing and there’s little doubt that the death toll will climb much higher. My thoughts and best wishes go out to the people of Japan in their time of need, and I hope this country will offer Japan all the aid it is possible to give.

But in this post I want to concentrate on one aspect of the disaster — nuclear power. Japan has invested heavily in nuclear power and currently receives a large portion of its electrical power from this source. But they may now be paying the price for that. At least two nuclear power plants at Fukushima have been heavily damaged and are currently in danger of a “meltdown,” which could cause a large explosion that would release heavy doses of very radioactive material into their environment.

They are trying to cool the nuclear cores down by flooding them with seawater and boron, but that is a desperate measure that will take days and no one knows if the cores can be cooled in time to prevent a meltdown. The authorities have said that little radioactivity has been released so far, but they are evacuating people from within a 12-mile radius of both plants and are issuing iodine tablets to the population living in those areas (iodine is supposed to inhibit the body’s intake of radioactivity).

And that is just what is happening at those two plants. Other plants were also damaged and are currently being evaluated. More may be heading for the same kind of trouble. The earthquake and resulting tsunami were bad enough for the Japanese people — the damaged nuclear plants are just adding to their difficulties.

Here in the United States we are currently having a debate over energy. Currently the country relies heavily on fossil fuels (oil, gas, coal) but those fuels are causing problems. Much of the oil we use comes from foreign countries — countries where the supply is always in danger (as we can see from the current problems in the Middle East).

Many on the right seem to think that this problem can be solved by just drilling more and more. But the fact is that there just aren’t enough American reserves of oil (even if we tap into our protected wilderness areas) to satisfy the addiction this country has to oil. And many experts (including our own military) believe the world is reaching (or has already reached) the point of “peak oil” — the point at which production begins to fall no matter how much drilling is done.

Coal is not a much better alternative. Although it is plentiful right now and could last for many years, it is also one of the dirtiest of the energy-producing fuels. Even with the new technologies (which industry is fighting tooth-and-nail) it continues to destroy our environment.

Using more coal will simply speed up global climate change (which is a looming environmental and economic disaster regardless of what the right-wing climate-deniers claim). Some are talking about the development of a “clean coal” technology, but this is just a myth being advanced by the coal industry. There is no such thing as clean coal, and I doubt that there ever will be.

But even if the fossil fuels weren’t damaging our environment, they will run out in the future. Coal and natural gas may be more plentiful than oil, but there is not an endless supply of any fossil-based fuel. And someday they will all disappear.

The fact is that new sources of energy must be found or developed. The ideal thing is to find renewable and clean sources of energy (like wind, solar, wave, or geothermal). So far, these sources have not been developed to the point where they could completely replace fossil fuels. That is why many in America (and elsewhere) are advocating a return to nuclear power.

After the disasters at Three Mile Island and Chernobyl, nuclear energy was put on the back burner in this country. But now the idea of nuclear power is making a comeback. Many believe it could fill the gap left by renewable sources and help to wean the country off fossil fuels. And they are quick to tell us that the technology has advanced to the point where accidents like Three Mile Island and Chernobyl couldn’t happen again.

I don’t doubt that the technology has advanced. I’m sure it has. I’m also sure that the Japanese were using the best technology available (since they are one of the most technologically-advanced countries in the world). But that 8.9 magnitude earthquake didn’t care about the technology, and the best technology in the world couldn’t have prevented the damage to the Japanese nuclear plants.

This should give Americans pause. Should we go back to building nuclear power plants — knowing the dangers they could pose? And lest we forget, we still haven’t come up with a solution for disposal of nuclear waste from these plants (which is highly radioactive and will remain so for a very long time).

I have to say that I really don’t know what to do about nuclear energy. I like the idea that it doesn’t pollute the environment while producing energy, but I have to wonder if it’s only delaying that pollution since we haven’t solved the disposal problem. I would feel a lot better if we could figure out how to safely dispose of the nuclear waste (for many centuries). And the Japanese experience is showing us, at the very least, that great care must be taken about where any new nuclear power plants are located.

It is time to rethink the usefulness of nuclear power. Maybe it is a viable alternative, but we should carefully consider all the dangers before proceeding with building any new plants.

[Rag Blog contributor Ted McLaughlin also posts at jobsanger.]

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Harry Targ : Thousands Brave Cold Rain to Support Indiana Workers

On a cold, rainy day thousands rallied against anti-worker legislation March 10 in front of the Indiana Statehouse. Image from Fox59.

In bitter cold rain:
Thousands rally at Indianapolis State House

By Harry Targ / The Rag Blog / March 12, 2011

INDIANAPOLIS –On Thursday morning, March 10, three buses left the parking lot of a large supermarket in Lafayette, Indiana bound for the huge workers rights rally at the Indianapolis State House.

The buses were sponsored by the United Steelworkers Local 115A and the NAACP. About 100 workers, teachers, and peace and justice activists were on the buses. About two miles away another three buses left for Indianapolis with 100 activists from the Building Trades Council of Tippecanoe County and the Northwest Central Labor Council (AFL-CIO).

The buses were warm, cozy, and the spirit of solidarity pervaded the atmosphere. Travelers were determined to demonstrate their outrage at the rightwing onslaught on workers and education being planned by Indiana Republicans. Arriving about one hour later, riders disembarked from the warm and fuzzy atmosphere of the trip to a bitterly cold, cloudy, and windy rally in downtown Indianapolis.

The rally consisted of speeches, chants, prayers, and exhortations. Thousands of Hoosier workers withstood the cold to express their anger and their clear realization that the quality of their lives was in jeopardy.

Local 115A passed out some literature to articulate the reasons for enduring the cold and shouting for economic justice. They said that:

  1. The struggle in Indiana was inspired by the events in Wisconsin.
  2. The rally was about worker rights, including so-called Right-to-Work legislation and proposals to eliminate the right of teachers to organize.
  3. The right-to-work bill that was not dead as some media had reported would negatively impact workers in both the private and public sectors.
  4. Public sector rights, which need to be defended, had already been weakened by Indiana’s governor, Mitch Daniels.
  5. The struggle in Indiana was not a publicity stunt, copying the movement in Wisconsin. Democratic House members walked out of the legislature and traveled to Illinois to forestall the Indiana body from passing the draconian legislation.
  6. Taxpayers of the state were not funding the walkout by State House Democrats.
  7. The so-called Right-to-Work bill was not the only threat posed to workers in Indiana. One bill would eliminate the secret ballot in union certification elections. Another would remove the right to collective bargaining from public employees at the local level. Another bill would prohibit local communities from establishing living wage laws in excess of the state determined minimum wage.
  8. The struggle in Indiana is about protecting public education. Bills would authorize private firms to be hired to evaluate teacher performance, without any teacher input. School funding could be used to provide vouchers for use in private schools. Schools that did not meet certain performance standards would be transferred to private for-profit corporations.
  9. The campaign to protect public education also required resisting the cutting of funds for colleges and universities.
  10. The struggle for workers rights was relevant to the economy of the entire state of Indiana, not just the 300,000 unionized workers.

Another USW Local 115 document made the motivation for action crystal clear:

We stand at the statehouse as one people, one labor movement, one united group of citizens. We are proud to be union members and union supporters because together we have built Indiana! Whether we are construction workers, teachers or students –whether we clean buildings, deliver health care or manufacture useful products — we stand together!

There were different assessments of the State House rally in Indianapolis. The conservative Indianapolis Star, on the one hand estimated that only 8,000 workers rallied in Indianapolis, but on the other hand pointed out how cold, windy, and rainy the weather was, suggesting that attendees were truly committed.

One trade unionist, recalling the rally of 20,000 Building Trades workers in 1995 indicated that he could not tell if this rally was bigger or smaller than that one. Another worker said that we needed at least 100,000 at the rally to make a difference.

Several speakers expressed their appreciation for those that attended the rally. AFL-CIO leaders from Kentucky and Wisconsin pointed out that the Indiana struggle was part of a larger movement involving workers from Wisconsin, Ohio, Illinois, New Jersey, and everywhere that the basic standard of living of workers was being challenged.

Perhaps the most poignant statement came from an Iraq war vet who reminded the crowd that $3 trillion had been spent on two costly, foolish wars in the 21st century that helped create today’s economic crisis.

The outcome of the ferment, anger, and rebelliousness all around the world remains unclear. But one fine folk singer, after leading the crowd in a rendition of “This Land is Your Land,” wished the movement well. He recalled Woody Guthrie’s injunction: “Take it easy, but take it.” Perhaps that is where we are at today.

[Harry Targ is a professor of political science at Purdue University who lives in West Lafayette, Indiana. He blogs at Diary of a Heartland Radical.]

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INDIANA LABOR MOVEMENT GETS PNEUMONIA
By Harry Targ / The Rag Blog / March 12, 2011

On Thursday morning, March 10, three buses left the parking lot of a large
supermarket in Lafayette, Indiana bound for the huge workers rights rally at the
Indianapolis State House. The buses were sponsored by the United Steelworkers
Local 115A and the NAACP. About 100 workers, teachers, and peace and justice
activists were on the buses. About two miles away another three buses left for
Indianapolis with 100 activists from the Building Trades Council of Tippecanoe
County and the Northwest Central Labor Council (AFL-CIO).

The buses were warm, cozy, and the spirit of solidarity pervaded the atmosphere.
Travelers were determined to demonstrate their outrage at the rightwing
onslaught on workers and education being planned by Indiana Republicans.
Arriving about one hour later, riders disembarked from the warm and fuzzy
atmosphere of the trip to a bitterly cold, cloudy, and windy rally in downtown
Indianapolis.

The rally consisted of speeches, chants, prayers, and exhortations. Thousands of
Hoosier workers withstood the cold to express their anger and their clear
realization that the quality of their lives was in jeopardy.

Local 115A passed out some literature to articulate the reasons for enduring the
cold and shouting for economic justice. They said that:

1. The struggle in Indiana was inspired by the events in Wisconsin.

2. The rally was about worker rights, including so-called Right-to-Work
legislation and proposals to eliminate the right of teachers to organize.

3. The right-to-work bill that was not dead as some media had reported would
negatively impact workers in both the private and public sectors.

4. Public sector rights, which need to be defended, had already been weakened by
Indiana’s governor, Mitch Daniels.

5. The struggle in Indiana was not a publicity stunt, copying the movement in
Wisconsin. Democratic House members walked out of the legislature and traveled
to Illinois to forestall the Indiana body from passing the draconian
legislation.

6. Taxpayers of the state were not funding the walkout by State House Democrats.

7. The so-called Right-to-Work bill was not the only threat posed to workers in
Indiana. One bill would eliminate the secret ballot in union certification
elections. Another would remove the right to collective bargaining from public
employees at the local level. Another bill would prohibit local communities from
establishing living wage laws in excess of the state determined minimum wage.

8.The struggle in Indiana is about protecting public education. Bills would
authorize private firms to be hired to evaluate teacher performance, without any
teacher input. School funding could be used to provide vouchers for use in
private schools. Schools that did not meet certain performance standards would
be transferred to private for-profit corporations.

9.The campaign to protect public education also required resisting the cutting
of funds for colleges and universities.

10.The struggle for workers rights was relevant to the economy of the entire state of Indiana, not just the 300,000 unionized workers.

Another USW Local 115 document made the motivation for action crystal clear:

We stand at the statehouse as one people, one labor movement, one united group of citizens. We are proud to be union members and union supporters because
together we have built Indiana! Whether we are construction workers, teachers or
students–whether we clean buildings, deliver health care or manufacture useful
products-we stand together!id=fullpost a the and in of Another all
Type rest of the post here

Source /

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Paul Beckett : The Wisconsin Revolution and Gov. Walker’s ‘Putsch’

Photo by Paul Beckett / The Rag Blog.

Dispatch from Madison:
Governor Walker’s putsch

By Paul Beckett / The Rag Blog / March 11, 2011

[This is the second of Paul Beckett’s reports from Madison for The Rag Blog.]

MADISON, Wisconson — In less than 24 hours, in a series of shocking and unprecedented developments, public sector union and collective bargaining rights in Wisconsin have been eviscerated by a Republican legislative majority controlled by Governor Scott Walker.

What seemed to Democratic legislative members and to neutral observers (but there are few of those in Wisconsin now) a putsch, began about 6 p.m. on the evening of Wednesday, March 9. As coups go, this one clearly was carefully — even brilliantly — prepared. The surprise was absolute.

Governor Walker spoke to a news conference on Monday, March 7. He referred to meetings at the Illinois border his staff had had with some of the 14 Democratic state senators who had left Wisconsin on February 17 in order to prevent passage of the “union busting” legislation, SB11. (See my article, “Madison and the Revolution at Home,” on The Rag Blog, March 8, 2010.)

A compromise was brewing, Walker implied. “The problem,” Walker said, “is Senator [Mark] Miller.” (Miller is the titular leader of the Senate Democrats.) Maybe it is time, Walker went on, for the Democratic caucus to elect a new leader.

All eyes turned to the Group of 14 Democratic senators: were they divided? Would one or more accept some form of compromise and enable the Republicans to complete their passage of SB11? (The presence of only ONE Democratic senator in the chamber would legitimate the vote passing SB11.] (Read the full text of SB11 here.)

Meanwhile, unperceived, Republicans prepared a trap that would snap shut on Wednesday. The complicated, 144-page “Budget Repair Bill” (SB11) was being taken apart by staff and reformulated, ostensibly to strip out everything BUT the collective bargaining provisions.

The result was labeled a conference amendment to SB11, and was only six pages shorter than the original. But the point was that this new version could be labeled as non-fiscal and would not carry the quorum requirement of the original.

A bizarre reversal of positions was now apparent. Incorporation of the collective bargaining provisions within the Budget Repair Bill, very definitely a “fiscal” measure, had been stoutly justified by Governor Walker on the grounds that they were inseparable from the fiscal repair provisions. (Opponents had argued that the provisions had nothing to do with fiscal “repair” and should be taken out of the Budget Repair Bill and debated separately.)

Now, the Republican position was the opposite. The new version was NOT fiscal. With the quorum requirement changed, whether the Group of 14 were in the Chamber or in Illinois was immaterial. The bill could be passed with Republican votes alone.

The ambush worked perfectly. Democrats and protesters remained focused on the hold-out by the 14 Senators and on the possibility of compromise. Word of Walker’s plan leaked out only at the last minute, late on Wednesday afternoon. Beginning about 5:30 p.m. a cluster of emails, most of them billed “emergency,” appeared in my email inbox. The following, from the Dane County Democrats, is typical:

Breaking Update: Tonight at 6:00 pm in the Senate Parlor we are hearing that Senate GOP is going to split the budget repair bill, fiscal from non-fiscal, and ram it through in the dark of night. Given that they’re attempting to ram through the bill without any media attention we wanted to let you know that very important developments are likely to occur tonight at 6:00 pm in the Senate Parlor.

Please be at the capital by 6:00PM TONIGHT!

Actually, I did not receive any of the emails until the next day. I was having a quick dinner a block away from the Capitol at Ian’s Pizza (an enterprise that has become known internationally for its role in keeping the protesters in the Capitol Rotunda sustained). I was on the way to a 7 p.m. debate between Madison’s two mayoral candidates.

Suddenly people were shouting, “To the Capitol. They’re going to pass the bill! Tonight!” People in groups of two, four, six, were hurrying up State Street toward the Capitol. I followed. At the top of State Street was a volcano-shaped mountain of snow (some five inches had fallen the night before). On its peak a tall young man stood shouting in an amazing voice: “Everyone to the Capitol! Everyone to the Capitol!” He waved us onward.

The word spread amazingly. By 6 p.m. hundreds were there; very soon thousands. It was dark. Everyone wanted to enter the Capitol. A long line formed at the only entrance that was (in a limited way) open. The line moved glacially. Inside, on the other side of the revolving door, protesters were packed, waiting, apparently, to be taken one-by-one through the security wanding procedure. Noise was deafening: “Whose house? Our house!”

Soon, however, any pretense of an open Capitol was abandoned; the police closed the doors absolutely, leaving some inside and thousands outside. People were angry.

Photo by Paul Beckett / The Rag Blog.

In the meantime, inside the Senate chamber, the deed was already done. In less than half an hour, a “conference committee” had reported out the revised bill. The committee Chair gaveled the meeting closed as the Democratic minority leader, Peter Barca, was shouting out the many ways in which the meeting was improper under the rules of the Legislature or illegal under state law.

The bill was then instantaneously passed (or “passed”) by the Senate Republicans.

By about 6:25 p.m. it was all done. The session was immediately adjourned, and the Republican Members were reportedly smuggled out of the Capitol building and beyond the crowds through a tunnel. (Their escape and removal by a special Madison Metro bus was not as secret as they would have liked.)

The word spread among the protesters and, more than any other time in the three weeks of protest, the mood was one of deep anger and frustration. Later in the evening some of the inside protesters opened an unguarded outside door. Crowds outside pushed in, brushing aside the police, who had raced to stop them. Thousands ended up inside, chanting, commiserating, venting. Most left by 2 or 3 a.m.

The expectation was that the building would open at 8 a.m. Thursday morning and that the Assembly would begin passage of the “conference amendment” by 9 a.m. In fact, the building did not reopen in the morning. The Department of Administration announced that an “assessment of building security requirements” was in progress. By 11 a trickle of protesters was permitted in as the Assembly slowly began to organize itself for the crucial session to pass the Senate version.

The session, billed a “Special Session” to allow more flexibility with rules and the traditions of the “Body” as it is always called, was brought to order at 12:34 p.m. Incongruously (considering he had been refused entry to the Capitol an hour or so earlier), the Reverend Jesse Jackson was allowed to deliver an opening prayer. He took no sides on the issues, and insisted that the legislators join hands (literally) across the aisle. They did, and then a bitter partisan verbal battle began.

A little over three hours of speeches were allowed. Most of these were from Democratic representatives clad in the bright orange T shirts proclaiming workers’ rights that they had adopted three weeks before. The session was broadcast by WisconsinEye and is available for viewing here.

The Democrats argued the illegality of procedures. They asserted that the bill before the Assembly was not the same one that had been before the Senate, and that senators (they were all Republican) had not been informed, had not been given copies of the new legislation, and could not have understood what they were voting for. They cited the shame brought on “this Body,” and on Wisconsin by all that had been done over the recent days and weeks.

More than that, they condemned the loss of workers’ rights and human rights, and the great harm that would be done to Wisconsin families and communities by the bill. Representative Tamara Grigsby, Democrat from the 18th District, delivered a particularly powerful and moving speech. (Had this reporter been a member of the Republican caucus he would have instantly moved across the aisle, sobbing with shame.)

To no avail. At 3:40 in the afternoon, abruptly, with some 20 representatives still to speak, the chair called for the vote (it is electronic and almost instantaneous), announced that the bill was passed, and adjourned the meeting.

The Republicans once again dematerialized mysteriously from the Capitol building.

It was over. Or, perhaps, just begun. The Democratic Party and labor unions are filing complaints and suits challenging the legality of the bill’s passage. The Governor’s use of the State Patrol (now under the direction of the father of Scott Fitzgerald, leader of the Senate Republicans, and his brother Jeff Fitzgerald, leader of the Assembly Republicans) to enforce the Capitol closures is being challenged.

But it has been understood from the beginning that this is less a legislative battle than a long-term political one that will touch every community and involve every important issue. It is not an exaggeration to say that the future of Wisconsin is at stake. And as Michael Moore has been saying so eloquently, the implications for the nation are huge.

Already planned for Saturday, March 12, is a major protest, bringing together farmers (who will mount a “tractorcade” around the Capitol square), labor, educators, students, liberal-progressives from all over the state, and many members of smaller communities that are becoming aware of the hit their schools and local governments are about to take from the Walker budget. Major speakers are invited, and it is reported that the 14 Democratic Senators will return to thank the public for their support.

Recall campaigns are planned on both sides. Under Wisconsin’s recall law almost a year must go by before a campaign to recall Scott Walker can begin. The same is true of Assembly members. So effectively, only senators are presently subject to recall. A bevy of progressive organizations are organizing campaigns directed against at least four of the Republican senators and, so far, there seems to be enormous energy behind these. Success would shift the Senate back to Democratic hands. The Republican recall campaigns, if they are pursued, would be directed against members of the “Group of 14” representing swing districts.

The political fallout of this tempestuous three weeks events will soon begin to be known. It is interesting, already, that one Republican senator and four Republican representatives voted against the “conference amendment.” And there is speculation that one reason that Scott Walker opted for this radical and legally risky legislative maneuver was that he sensed weakening on the part of other of the Republican senators.

[Dr. Paul Beckett lives in Madison, Wisconsin. He can be reached at beckettpa@gmail.com.]

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Harvey Wasserman : California Quake Hit Could Irradiate Entire Country

The Fukushima No. 1 power plant of Tokyo Electric Power at Okuma, Fukushima Prefecture, northern Japan, shown in a photograph from October 2008. Japan has issued a state of emergency at the nuclear power plant after its cooling system failed. Photo from AP.

Had it hit off the California coast:
Japan’s quake could have
irradiated the entire United States

By Harvey Wasserman / The Rag Blog / March 11, 2011

Had the massive 8.9 Richter-scale earthquake that has just savaged Japan hit off the California coast, it could have ripped apart at least four coastal reactors and sent a lethal cloud of radiation across the entire United States.

The two huge reactors each at San Onofre and Diablo Canyon are not designed to withstand such powerful shocks. All four are extremely close to major faults.

All four reactors are located relatively low to the coast. They are vulnerable to tsunamis like those now expected to hit as many as 50 countries.

San Onofre sits between San Diego and Los Angeles. A radioactive cloud spewing from one or both reactors there would do incalculable damage to either or both urban areas before carrying over the rest of southern and central California.

Diablo Canyon is at Avila Beach, on the coast just west of San Luis Obispo, between Los Angeles and San Francisco. A radioactive eruption there would pour into central California and, depending on the winds, up to the Bay Area or southeast into Santa Barbara and then to Los Angeles. The cloud would at very least permanently destroy much of the region on which most Americans rely for their winter supply of fresh vegetables.

By the federal Price-Anderson Act of 1957, the owners of the destroyed reactors — including Pacific Gas & Electric and Southern California Edison — would be covered by private insurance only up to $11 billion, a tiny fraction of the trillions of dollars worth of damage that would be done. The rest would become the responsibility of the federal taxpayer and the fallout victims. Virtually all homeowner insurance policies in the United States exempt the insurers from liability from a reactor disaster.

The most definitive recent study of the 1986 Chernobyl disaster puts the death toll at 985,000. The accident irradiated a remote rural area. The nearest city, Kiev, is 80 kilometers away.

But San Luis Obispo is some ten miles directly downwind from Diablo Canyon. The region around San Onofre has become heavily suburbanized.

Heavy radioactive fallout spread from Chernobyl blanketed all of Europe within a matter of days. It covered an area far larger than the United States.

Fallout did hit the jet stream and then the coast of California, thousands of miles away, within 10 days. It then carried all the way across the northern tier of the United States.

Chernobyl Unit Four was of comparable size to the two reactors at Diablo Canyon, and somewhat larger than the two at San Onofre.

But it was very new when it exploded. California’s four coastal reactors have been operating since the 1970s and 1980s. Their accumulated internal radioactive burdens could exceed what was spewed at Chernobyl.

Japanese officials say all affected reactors automatically shut, with no radiation releases. But they are not reliable. In 2007 a smaller earthquake rocked the seven-reactor Kashiwazaki site and forced its lengthy shutdown.

Preliminary reports indicate at least one fire at a Japanese reactor hit by this quake and tsunami.

In 1986 the Perry nuclear plant, east of Cleveland, was rocked by a 5.5 Richter-scale shock, many orders of magnitude weaker than this one. That quake broke pipes and other key equipment within the plant. It took out nearby roads and bridges.

Thankfully, Perry had not yet opened. An official Ohio commission later warned that evacuation during such a quake would be impossible.

Numerous other American reactors sit on or near earthquake faults.

The Obama Administration is now asking Congress for $36 billion in new loan guarantees to build more commercial reactors.

It has yet to reveal its exact plans for dealing with a major reactor disaster. Nor has it identified the cash or human reserves needed to cover the death and destruction imposed by the reactors’ owners.

[Harvey Wasserman edits NukeFree.org. He is Senior Advisor to Greenpeace USA and the Nuclear Information and Resource Service. He co-authored Killing Our Own: the Disaster of America’s Experience with Atomic Radiation.]

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