Military Coup : Resistance and Repression in Honduras

Demonstrator outside the Presidential Palace following the kidnapping of President Zelaya of Honduras. (Top) Photo from Orlando Sierra / AFP / Getty. (Below) Photo from Reuters.

Resistance and Repression in Honduras

People are taking the streets in Honduras despite incredibly hostile conditions created by the military.

By Kristin Bricker / June 29, 2009

An unknown number of Hondurans have taken to the streets today (Sunday) in an effort to stop the coup that the military, in league with Congress and the Supreme Court, has carried out against democratically elected President Manuel “Mel” Zelaya.

Due to intermitant power outages and heavy rain, independent media within Honduras has had extreme difficulty transmitting news. This means that while there’s been plenty of news in the mainstream media about the actions people with a lot of political power have been taking — from Chavez and the ALBA nations to the Organization of American States to the United States — there’s been very little reported about what rank-and-file Hondurans have been doing to reverse the coup.

However, it is clear that Hondurans are resisting. People are taking to the streets in Honduras despite incredibly hostile conditions created by the military. Radio Es Lo De Menos reports that their colleagues on the ground have been fired at by snipers who are positioned in rooftops around the city. They stress that the gunfire at this point has only been in the form of “warning shots” and no one has been reported injured from gunfire.

The Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH) wrote in a communique,”We tell everyone that the Honduran people are carrying out large demonstrations, actions in their communities, in the municipalities; there are occupations of bridges, and a protest in front of the presidential residence, among others. From the lands of Lempira, Morazán and Visitación Padilla, we call on the Honduran people in general to demonstrate in defense of their rights and of real and direct democracy for the people, to the fascists we say that they will NOT silence us, that this cowardly act will turn back on them, with great force.”

Radio Es Lo De Menos reported that the military has set up roadblocks all over the country in an attempt to prevent Zelaya supporters from reaching the capital. The soldiers are also reportedly attempting to shut down public transportation.

Zelaya supporters took to the streets in an attempt to prevent military reinforcements from arriving at the Presidential Palace. There are protests all over Tegucigalpa, trying to impede military movements.

People cast symbolic votes in today’s controversial public opinion polls. While soldiers seized ballot boxes in many locales, in some towns people managed to rescue the seized ballot boxes from the soldiers and cast their votes:

Photo by Oswaldo Rivas / Reuters.

The Washington Post reports:

“Soldiers try to prevent journalists from filming as they patrol the area around the presidential palace in Tegucigalpa, Sunday June 28, 2009. Soldiers arrested Honduras’ President Manuel Zelaya and disarmed his security guards after surrounding his residence before dawn Sunday, his private secretary said. Protesters called it a coup and flocked to the presidential palace as local news media reported that Zelaya was sent into exile.”

Photo by Esteban Felix / AP.

Union Leader Calls for National Strike in Honduras

Honduran labor leader Ángel Alvarado told TeleSUR that he has called a national strike for Monday in Honduras to protest the coup that has ousted President Manuel Zelaya.

Cell phone service seems to have intermittently returned to Honduras, allowing Alvarado to communicate with TeleSUR via phone from outside the Presidential Palace. Alvarado told TeleSUR that there’s about 15,000 protesters gathered outside the Presidential Palace demanding Zelaya’s return.

Meanwhile, Radio Es Lo De Menos is repeatedly pleading with the international community that protests be organized outside Honduran embassies around the world.

Kristin Bricker

Source / The Narcosphere

Also see Honduran Coup Leaders Reportedly Trained at U.S. Army School in Georgia by Chris Kromm / The Rag Blog / June 29, 2009

Thanks to Col. Jeffrey Segal / The Rag Blog

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Health Care in Venezuela

New Venezuelan clinic built by community with funds given from municipality. When communities build projects such as this, they provide some labor and serve as the contractor — thus allowing a lot to be done at lower costs than usual.

Health Care and Democracy: A Look at the Venezuelan Healthcare System
By Caitlin McNulty / June 25, 2009

The right to health care is guaranteed in the Venezuelan Constitution, which was written and ratified by the people in 1999. Through implementing a state-funded social program called Barrio Adentro, or inside the barrio, free comprehensive health care is available to all Venezuelans. Beginning in June 2003 through a trade pact with Cuba, Venezuela began to bring Cuban doctors, medical technology, and medications into rural and urban communities free of charge in exchange for low-cost oil.

The 1.5 million dollar per year program expanded to provide a broad network of small neighborhood clinics, larger regional clinics, and hospitals which aim to serve the entire Venezuelan population. (1) Chavez has referred to this new health care system as the “democratization of health care” stating that “health care has become a fundamental social right and the state will assume the principal role in the construction of a participatory system for national public health.” (2) In Venezuela, not only is health care a right; it is recognized as an essential for true participatory democracy.

Some of what characterizes this movement towards health care for all includes popular participation, preventative medicine, and evaluation of community health issues. Western medicine typically operates in a top-down fashion. Doctors treat symptoms, and often fail to evaluate the larger picture of community health issues or teach prevention. (3) In a private for-profit system, there is little incentive to prevent costly illnesses. In Venezuela, however, Barrio Adentro began constructing clinics within neighborhoods where many had never been to a doctor. Through this program, a community can organize to receive funding to build a clinic and bring in doctors. The community is responsible for creating health committees, the members of which go door to door to assess the specific health issues of their community. Doctors who live in the communities also make house calls. (4) People participate in the process of serving the health needs of the entire population.

The extensive health program is also being used to train a new generation of Venezuelan doctors. The training program takes place within the clinic system itself and relies heavily on experiential learning. The program seeks to build a new relationship between doctor and patient based on the values of service, solidarity and compassion. Doctors participating in the training program are coming from the communities they are learning in and serving, building on their intimate knowledge of the communities to provide truly compassionate and personalized care. Using popular forums, medical professionals are able to respond to the needs of the community and offer education, treatment and consultation addressing unique public health issues.(6)

Although the system began by focusing exclusively on preventative health, it has expanded to include emergency health services, mental health services, surgeries, cancer treatment, dental care, access to optometrists as well as free glasses and contact lenses, support systems for those with disabilities and their families, as well as access to a large variety of medical specialists. They have succeeded in taking an under funded, corrupt public health care system and changing not only the quality and accessibility but also the mentality of those working there. Instead of a for-profit industry systematically denying access to large sectors of the population, health care in Venezuela is seen as a basic human right. No one is turned away, and no one is denied care. In Venezuela, they treat whole person, not simply their illness, and money stays where it belongs- outside of the health care system.(7)

During my time in Venezuela, I developed a cough that went on for three weeks and progressively worsened. Finally, after I had become incredibly congested and developed a fever, I decided to attend a Barrio Adentro clinic. The closest one available was a Barrio Adentro II Centro de Diagonostico Integral (CDI) and I headed in without my medical records or calling to make an appointment. Immediately, I was ushered into a small room where Carmen, a friendly Cuban doctor, began questioning me about my symptoms. She listened to my lungs and walked me over to another examination room where, again without waiting, I had x-rays taken. Afterwards, the technician walked me to a chair and apologized profusely that I had to wait for the x-rays to be developed, promising that it would take no more than five minutes. Sure enough, five minutes later he returned with both x-rays developed. Carmen studied the x-rays and informed me that I had pneumonia, showing me the telltale shadows. She sent me away with my x-rays, three medications to treat my pneumonia, congestion, and fever, and made me promise to come back if my conditioned failed to improve or worsened within three days.

I walked out of the clinic with a diagnosis and treatment within twenty-five minutes of entering, without paying a dime. There was no wait, no paperwork, and no questions about my ability to pay, my nationality, or whether, as a foreigner, I was entitled to free comprehensive health care. There was no monetary value connected with my physical well-being; the care I received was not contingent upon my ability to pay. I was treated with dignity, respect, and compassion, my illness was cured and I was able to continue with my journey in Venezuela.

This past year, a family friend was not so lucky. At the age of 56, she was going back to school and was uninsured. She came down with what she thought was a severe case of the flu, and as her condition worsened she decided not to see a doctor because of the cost. She died at home in bed, losing her life to a system that did not respect her basic human right to survive. Her death is not an isolated incident. Over 18,000 United States residents die every year because of their lack of prohibitively expensive health insurance. The United States has the distinct honor of being the “only wealthy industrialized nation that does not ensure that all citizens have coverage”.(8) Instead, we have commodified the public health and well being of those live in the US, leaving them on their own to obtain insurance. Those whose jobs do not provide insurance, can’t get enough hours to qualify for health care coverage through their workplace, are unemployed, or have “previously existing conditions” that exclude them from coverage are forced to choose between the potentially fatal decision of refusing medical care and accumulating medical bills that trap them in an inescapable cycle of debt. And sometimes, that decision is made for them. Doctors often ask that dreaded question; “do you have insurance?” before scheduling critical tests, procedures, or treatments. When the answer is no, treatments that were deemed necessary before are suddenly canceled as the ability to pay becomes more important than the patient’s health.(9)

It is estimated that there are over fifty million United States residents currently living without health insurance, a number that will skyrocket as unemployment rates increase and people lose their work-based health care coverage in this time of international financial crisis.(10) Already this year, 7.5 million people have lost work-related coverage. Budget cuts for the state of Washington this year will remove over forty thousand people from Washington Basic Health, a subsidized program which already has a waiting list of seventeen thousand people.(11) As I returned to the US from Venezuela, I was faced with the realization that as a society, the United States places a monetary value on life. That we make life and death judgments based on an individual’s ability to pay. And that someone with the same condition I had recently recovered from had died because, according to our system, her life wasn’t insured.

Many in the United States fear that people would abuse a free health care system, causing overcrowding and a compromised level of care. Others claim that a single payer system would limit the freedoms of both doctor and patient. These claims, propagated by the corporate media in the United States, are a hollow attempt to keep those in the US from organizing to demand single payer health care. Primary care and preventative medicine are seen as the first steps towards sustainable universal health care, keeping people out of costly hospital stays, tests, and treatments down the road. Socializing the costs of medicine keeps costs low by preventing expensive treatments and health problems. It is difficult to understand how much quality, free health care means until you find yourself in a position of vulnerability and need. I felt a sense of security traveling in Venezuela that I do not feel in the United States; in Venezuela, there is a safety net ready to catch you when you fall. People in the US must ask themselves, as a country, where our values lie and how we have not only let people slip through the cracks but worked to systematically exclude them. Do we believe that insurance corporations and the medical industrial complex should be profiting from denying care and keeping sick people from receiving treatment? Or do we believe that care should be separate from an individual’s ability to pay? As a nation, we must embrace our humanity and value life over profits.

Notes:

1 Wilpert, Gregory. Changing Venezuela The History and Policies of the Chavez Government. New York: Verso, 2006.

2 “Mision Barrio Adentro.” Mision Barrio Adentro. 02 June 2009 .

3 Wilpert, Gregory. Changing Venezuela The History and Policies of the Chavez Government. New York: Verso, 2006.

4 “Mision Barrio Adentro.” Mision Barrio Adentro. 02 June 2009 .

6 “Mision Barrio Adentro.” Mision Barrio Adentro. 02 June 2009 .

7 ibid

8 “Insuring America’s Health: Principles and Recommendations -.” Institute of Medicine. 02 June 2009 .

9 “PR-2000-43/ WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION : ASSESSES THE WORLD’S HEALTH SYSTEMS.” 02 June 2009 .

10 “Census Revises Estimates of the Number of Uninsured People — Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.” Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. 02 June 2009 www.cbpp.org/cms/?fa=view&id=245.

11 “PR-2000-43/ WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION : ASSESSES THE WORLD’S HEALTH SYSTEMS.” 02 June 2009 www.who.int/inf-pr-2000/en/pr2000-44.html.

Source / Upside Down World

Thanks to Jeffrey Segal / The Rag Blog

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Short Attention-Span News : Tweet-ening the Pot


A little birdie told me…
Short Attention-Span News

By Mariann G. Wizard / The Rag Blog / June 29, 2009

Help Army Nat.Guard Lt. Dan Choi, fighting discharge 4 being gay, NOW: http://www.couragecampaign.org/page/ic/rl0ze9ehwuz8th/SjZDRRMLFEAhUl4

* * *
92 city cops n Hidalgo busted by Mexican federales, charged w/providing info, security 2 Zetas cartel, @$230-380/2 wks. Muy barata, ¿sí?
* * *
Luis Posada Carriles, who bombed Cuban airliner in 1976, killing 73, has escaped Venezuelan prison, lives freely n Miami. See: www.nlg.org.
* * *
Republicans didn’t have cojones 2 nominate Colin Powell when he could have been 1st Black Pres.; now say he’s left party – as n disinvited?
* * *
GM 2 reinvent self? Rebuild Jeep Cherokee (unGrand), “the SUV that wdn’t die”, w/better mileage, cupholder; don’t mess w/size, reliability!
* * *
Chicago Cubs Mgr Lou Piniella defended Geovany Soto (C), who tested positive 4 pot during World Baseball Classic; said he’d once tried weed.
* * *
Dandelion (Taraxacum officinale), best known “weed” n world, was human food, medicine b4 use of writing. Bitter digestive, diuretic, detox.
* * *
Man n Iran said young women w/out headscarves danced n streets 4 Mousavi. “I’ll vote 4 Ahmadinejad; if Mousavi wins, they’ll dance naked.”
* * *
Weirdest group-dancing-2-Michael-Jackson-music video-on-You-Tube: smiling, bearded Saudi men n full desert garb, moonwalking & getting down.
* * *
Last word: MJ, dancing, & Iran, you-must-see: http://mikeely.wordpress.com/2009/06/26/video-irans-streets-mjs-they-dont-really-care-about-us
* * *
From Liz, Jeff, CNN.com, Mike E & Kasama, @WEEDMASTER & WeedPlay Marijuana News, The Week, HerbClip, American-Statesman, & The Daily Show.

Mariann Wizard, @Pollyanna46

[Note: Follow The Rag Blog on Twitter: twitter.com/TheRagBlog.]

The Rag Blog

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Austin’s Lloyd Doggett and the Sorta Clean Energy Act

After working hard to reform it, U.S. Rep. Lloyd Doggett (D,TX) finally voted for the energy bill. Here he speaks at the Austin Global Warming Press conference in June, 2008.

The special interests’ ‘Clean Energy’ bill passes the House

Austin’s own Lloyd Doggett led the fight to strengthen the bill… No one except Doggett can say what pressure he was subjected to on Thursday and Friday as the votes were being tallied in back rooms…

By Alyssa Burgin / The Rag Blog / June 28, 2009

It’s over in the House.

The dog-pile of special interests, climbing all over each other to see whose cause benefited most, ended Friday, June 26, with a vote in the U.S. House on the American Clean Energy and Security Act (ACESA), which started life as the principled Waxman-Markey bill. What came out of the process is a veritable “Christmas tree” of giveaways, exemptions, federally-funded studies that lead to dead-ends, and lowered expectations. Gucci-gulch regulars connected to fossil fuels and big agriculture can rejoice, and afford a few more pairs of alligator shoes.

The American people on the other hand, should be wary. Yes, it’s possible, in the abstract, that the bill will be strengthened in the Senate — the house leadership’s promise to representatives who were reluctant to sign on because they feared the bill was too weak. It’s also possible the sun will rise in the West, in the abstract, and that clean coal, a concept not only pushed but well-funded in ACESA, will make the air around coal plants refreshingly minty. Truth is, the bill faces an uphill struggle in the Senate, and the opposition has declared that the percentage of carbon emissions cuts, already well below the minimum scientists say is needed to stand a chance of banishing climate change, must go lower still.

Austin’s own Lloyd Doggett led the fight to strengthen the bill in the House. His strategy, made known to a group of environmentalists who met with him three weeks ago in Schulenburg, was to hold out for a full debate — to delay the vote as long as possible, hoping that if the advocates of the present bill didn’t have the votes, they would be forced to include safeguards which he thought were necessary.

Doggett had written his own bill — the Safe Markets Act of 2009. In it, he made sure to address the blossoming derivatives market that he thought would emerge from the ACES bill — unregulated and on a clear-cut path to disaster. He also found fault with renewable energy standards, which he saw as too open to substitution with less-costly, less-effective means, at the whim of American governors. But primarily, he found the bill too weak to fulfill the minimum requirements that have been telegraphed to the United States as being necessary to hammer out an agreement in the U.N. Climate Change Conference to take place in Copenhagen later this year.

It wasn’t unreasonable for Doggett to assume that his opposition could make a crucial difference. After all — it was the holding-out of petroleum industry patron Gene Green of Baytown that resulted in so many provisions being inserted that would favor oil-and-gas, so why couldn’t one courageous environmentalist have the same effect?

But it was not to be. No one except Lloyd Doggett can say what pressure he was subjected to on Thursday and Friday as the votes were being tallied in back rooms, but everyone has seen the outcome. After giving an inspiring speech earlier about his “no” vote on the bill, he later changed his vote and weighed in with the Democratic majority, as a critical part of the 219-to-212 victory. It is known that his office was bombarded with phone calls, some of which apparently placed him in the same category as the climate deniers who made such fools of themselves before the camera on Friday.

A last-minute “manager’s mark-up” of the bill inserted a few, a very few, of the provisions that Doggett and others were pushing, but that would not have been enough to convince him to change his mind. It’s hard to imagine what kind of arm-twisting went on, but judging from the tired visage he presented on CSPAN late in the afternoon, it must have been substantial.

Perhaps this bill is a critical first step in the campaign to regulate greenhouse gases in the United States, and put this nation back in the global fight for a solution to climate change, but much more will have to be done to make certain that special interests do not eviscerate the provisions any further. And even then, the people of this nation will have to stand strong for real change, real efforts to rein in corporate interests, and real teeth in enforcement of the rules laid down.

Otherwise…

It’s over.

The Rag Blog

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Singin’ on Sunday: Austin’s Cold Sun

Cold Sun live in the Palmer Auditorium, circa 1971.

Cold Sun: Austin’s Lost Psychedelic Visionaries
By Patrick Lundborg

[To hear Cold Sun, click here.]

The story of how Austin, Texas was transformed from a sleepy little college town into a world- renowned mecca for rock and country music has been told many times. It’s a neat hippie saga with heroes and martyrs, a few emblematic anecdotes and no loose ends… or so it seems.

But what if there were some loose ends, what if there is a whole tapestry hidden under the Vulcan Gas-into-Armadillo HQ saga as usually told? Maybe the psychedelic era didn’t end with the 13th Floor Elevators, and maybe it didn’t begin with them either?

One of the earliest recognitions of Austin’s new and elevated standing in the music business came with a Chet Flippo article in a 1974 Phonograph Record Magazine. The piece, which is written from an insider perspective, presents an already finalized view of how the preceding 10-year period had played out in Austin and Texas as a whole. By and large, this is the story which has been propagated through subsequent retrospectives. Too large murals of the International Artists label, Vulcan Gas Co, and the few hit or hit-bound artists are painted, while many of the key elements of what constituted a scene – the KAZZ-FM station and the related Sonobeat label, the teen clubs, the legendary Baby Cakes group, the Elevators’ rapid fall from grace in the late 1960s – are missing.

Of course, this is just another case of how the victors, in this case the cosmic cowboys, are allowed to remember what they feel like remembering, and then pass it on for the history book writers. But as we’re beginning to learn, the victory hymns aren’t necessarily the most accurate chronicles, nor the most interesting.

Reaching down into the tapestry of vintage Austin music I found a mysterious strand that seemed to run through a lot of these areas. The thread comes in psychedelic colors, spun into a lizard skin pattern, and forms the previously untold story of COLD SUN.

I

“There was a mythical Austin that is the root of all subsequent myths about it being such a ‘cool place’. That time was so magical and wondrous that the memory of it still fuels the fake scenes there, today.”

Thirty-five years later Cold Sun founder Bill Miller has few fond memories of the era that brought Austin music to national recognition. According to him and others who were there at the beginning, or 2 seconds after the beginning, it was already going downhill in late 1967 when the Vulcan Gas Co opened. Just like its west coast big brother city of San Francisco, the preceding years of 1965 and 1966 were the true golden age of Austin. This assessment can also be found in Stephanie Chernikowski’s charming 13th Floor Elevators reminiscence, first published in Not Fade Away #1 magazine in 1975. According to Chernikowski, the storm clouds were gathering over the Austin freak scene in mid-1966, a full year before the so-called Summer Of Love.

In 1966 Bill Miller and his friends were too young to be part of the UT-based Elevators circle, yet followed what was going on around the band, and other hot local acts such as the Baby Cakes and the Wig, with great interest. Miller was an unusual teenager with unusual interests that included pet lizards – big ones – and the more esoteric sides of American pop culture, interests that live on to this day. Many thought him to be older than he was, and his active networking in what was then just a small town with a tangible music scene, gave him a good grasp of the goings-on. There were the two local radio stations, KNOW and KAZZ-FM, the latter being the hipper as they did not ban “You’re Gonna Miss Me” but in fact made it a hit. The father-son team of Bill Josey Sr & Jr that ran KAZZ-FM also operated Sonobeat, Austin’s only record label at the time. Over at the Austin Statesman paper there was Jim Langdon, a local Ralph Gleason who wrote excitedly about the new “psychedelic rock” of the Elevators. The huge UT campus and related Ghetto scene supplied a bohemian undercurrent to the city, as it had for several years. But Austin was still just a local scene and noone thought of comparing it to the rich, legend-filled musical heritages of Houston and San Antonio.

Too young to have been part of the mid-1960s teen music explosion Bill Miller and his guitarist friend Tom Mcgarrigle formed their first band in 1968. The band was called Cauldron, and apart from Miller and Mcgarrigle featured John Kearney, who had played drums with Roky Erickson in his pre-Elevators band, the Spades. Cauldron soon changed their name to AMETHYST, and played at the local “I.L Club”, which was the first psychedelic underground club in Austin. The small club, named after and run by Ira Littlefield, was located in a rough East Austin (the black part of town) neighborhood and had a sign upfront that read “Famous Beatnik Bands, Nightly”. Conqueroo played there several times. Some Amethyst recordings exist from the I L Club; these remain unheard but it appears that even at this early stage the band relied solely on original material such as “See What You Cause”. During this period there was some member shuffling including a succession of lead vocalists who failed to work out right. Drummer John Kearney has commented that Miller’s long, complex songs required plenty of rehearsal, one reason for him to later leave the band.

Already at this stage Bill Miller had found the instrument that he would continue to favor throughout his career, the autoharp. Autoharps were unusual but not unique within rock music at the time; some folk-inspired bands like the Lovin’ Spoonful and the Charlatans used them, or at least posed with them for pictures. But in a development similar to how Tommy Hall had turned the concept of “jug”sounds upside down with the Elevators, Miller decided to take the autoharp into places it had not been before. The instrument was adapted and rebuilt into a fully electrified unit, and Amethyst’s music was arranged to accommodate and make full use of the unearthly sounds of the electric autoharp. Most people have heard Miller’s instrument as used on the famous Roky Erickson & the Aliens recordings from the late 1970s, but 10 years earlier it resounded around local clubs in Texas.

While Amethyst was building up a repertoire and re-shuffling its members, the Austin music scene was changing rapidly around them. Despite releasing their masterpiece “Easter Everywhere” album in November 1967 and playing Vulcan Gas the same month, local heroes the 13th Floor Elevators had been going downhill ever since returning from California in late ‘66. The later line-ups of the band were arguably the best in terms of musicianship, but a lot of people were lamenting the loss of energy and excitement from early 1966. Many other teen club bands from the pre-hippie era that had spawned the Elevators were also gone or disappearing, and almost none managed the transition into the “progressive” times of the post-Sgt Pepper late 1960s. Golden Dawn, who partook in the local LSD revolution as “Elevators protegés”, fell apart shortly after their brilliant I A album had been released. Bill Miller recalls that Dawn key figure George Kinney stopped by at a few Amethyst rehearsals. The Baby Cakes merged with the Wig into the heavier Lavender Hill Express and their former bands were soon forgotten. As everywhere else harder drugs entered the picture and rock music itself was splintering off into various directions. From the very beginning Vulcan Gas Co booked new local bands that represented these changing directions, such as the Conqueroo (S F Bay Area acidrock) and Shiva’s Headband (embryonic country-rock). There was also a constant back-n-forth between Texas and San Francisco, as many bands tried their luck in the Bay Area only to discover it jam-packed with starving rock bands.

Bill Miller’s Amethyst weren’t terribly impressed with this new direction and scene, which would ultimately lead to the grand 1970s days of the Armadillo World Headquarters. Amethyst was a young band, but the members had been around in the days of genuine excitement. Rather than picking up steel guitar, or get a speedfreak guitarist that could imitate Johnny Winter, the band continued along their specific vision as represented by its two constant members, Miller and lead guitarist Mcgarrigle. The two had plenty of ideas and ambition, and for a while ran their own rock club at Jubilee Hall down in Houston (maintained by notorious preacher Freddie Gage). After giving up trying to find a lead singer they settled on sharing the vocals between them, and soon Miller handled the majority of them. Apart from the Elevators heritage, which is obvious in the band’s subsequent recordings, Miller kept abreast of developments in other parts of America and added the Doors and Velvet Underground to his list of influences. Velvet Underground would play Austin in 1969 after Vulcan Gas had somewhat reluctanctly booked them; the shows were a success and another indication of something else cooking locally, apart from the country and blues mutations. Miller was there, naturally, and had a conversation with Lou Reed backstage regarding the 13th Floor Elevators.

Houston, 1969

II

“If it ain’t peyote, it ain’t from Texas”

Beyond the college student and redneck clusters there were strange developments in and around Austin at the time, and Amethyst/Cold Sun were connected to many of them. Unusual characters crowd their history, such as the band’s friend and future Roky Erickson exorcist/bodyguard Winston “Wink” Taylor, member of an esoteric Christian splinter church led by Father Robert Williams ­– this congregation later counted Roky’s mom Evelyn among their members and assembled in a church that once served as a rehearsal space for the Elevators. Taylor and his friends used to live in the Serpentarium, an abandoned snake farm outside town. This circle included soon-to-be Cold Sun bass player Mike Waugh, and the enigmatic Johnny Love, a Hollywood-style singer and dope dealer who many locals thought was a government agent. For a while the Snake Farm residents had a band going called Alpha Centauri. On the enemy side there was the notorious Captain Harvey Gann, chief narc officer in Austin, known to always wear a bright red suit when conducting a raid. Gann and his team watched the Elevators and other local rock bands very closely.

The Church of the Elevators

Bill Miller himself still had plenty of space to allow his special interests to grow, and in fact made the local papers when his huge tegu lizard ran away and was put into a dog pound, from which it promptly escaped. Other Miller projects included building a complete Dr Doom (the Marvel comic book villain serenaded by the Elevators) costume, although it did not progress beyond a completed metal glove. One interest that would have direct impact on Cold Sun’s music was ancient Egyptian mythology, as heard on the “RA-MA” track from their Sonobeat tapes, an 11-minute epic that also invoked Lemurian elements. And psychedelic drugs were of course everywhere, as they had been in Austin long before the Elevators started handing out free LSD at local gigs. Miller recalls that “a wider cross section than one would imagine did peyote. The 60s beatnik-peyote scene seemed to know no beginning – it had been among the hip as long as the hip had existed since way before acid was invented. It was legal and could be purchased in cactus shops and plant stores. Things were actually more cool before acid appeared.”

Proof of Dr Hermon’s hip lifestyle – Art Kleps gives thumbs up!

An official secret of the town was Dr Hermon, a Viennese immigrant who the straight Austin medical establishment referred to as “Crazy Harry”. Hermon had a Federal licence to prescribe and administer LSD, marijuana and mescaline/peyote. The Austrian psychiatrist carried a jet set air about him and was into concepts like hypnotism, nude therapy and psychedelic evolutionary therapy. His eccentric image and non-conformist behavior put him in contact with the Austin music underground, which he supplied with psychedelic drugs for several years. Captain Gann and the narcotics squad were aware of this, but Dr Hermon’s medical licence made him difficult to bust. Hermone’s rapport with the rock musicians was such that he was appointed doctor for Roky Erickson when Roky was staying at Holy Cross Hospital in 1968, recovering from a nervous breakdown. Unsurprisingly, in this case Hermon made sure not to involve the patient with drugs. Gann and his narcs later managed to crack down on Hermon, who was forced to leave Austin in a haste.

John David Bartlett, a local musician who worked with the latter-day Elevators and was signed to International Artists recalls hanging out with the Amethyst members: “We had many late fuzzy evenings at Bill’s tiny apartment at the base of Castle Hill. There was an old white wood frame building that rambled up the hill. It had been divided into tiny efficiency apartments for the more adventurous of Austin’s scene in those daze and had stairs that went up the outside along the hill. It was like an extention of the old Texas Ghetto, with a younger crowd. My house up on Blanco at the top of Castle Hill tended to attract a lot of jam monkeys. That’s where we first met Bill and Tom. Tom was such an intense and great guitarist. Bill’s first band didn’t attract as much attention among my crowd as Cold Sun. I think I heard them only once. But in 69′ we all were cut loose from the mooring and on a fairly consistant high. I remember one night best. Sitting at Billy’s apartment and he played a new song. Hard dischordant autoharp as Bill screamed ‘we live beneath Spider City’ [from “South Texas”]… I’ve got to underline the way Tom looked in those daze. Dark and beautiful. And Billy all in black.”

Fred Mitchim, member of the same young Austin scene, recalls his first encounter with Miller and McGarrigle at the Castle Hill freak complex: “I was listening to my friends talk about how Bill was so relieved to have his own place so he wouldn’t have to keep his stash in a jar in the back yard any more. This story was my first impression of Bill moments before I met him for the first time. As we headed up the pathway I heard Cold Sun for the first (and most memorable) time. I was struck by the originality of these psychedelic yet also dark songs. And of course Bill’s electric auto harp against Tom’s searing single note double picking fuzz box echoplex leads. Really nice. When they finished my friends introduced me and I remember noticing Bill to be the first “dressed all in black” person I had met. Back then 6 foot tall Tom would wear no shirt with a orange tuxedo tails coat, red bell bottoms, blue rubber health food sandals, with 3 feet of black hair.”

III

Around the time of the Velvet Underground shows at Vulcan, Bill Miller hooked up with another of his sources of inspiration, former Elevators drummer John Ike Walton, who had returned to Texas after a spell as a session musician in California. The newly recruited Amethyst bass player Mike Waugh introduced John Ike to Miller and the band. It seems Walton was on the verge of becoming a member of Amethyst, replacing Roky Erickson’s old Spades drummer John Kearney in an ironic twist, and while he soon bowed out he would play an important part in the band’s evolvement.

From his Elevators days Walton was familiar with Bill Josey Sr who ran the local Sonobeat label, and he suggested that Josey would check Miller and Amethyst out. After having sold the KAZZ-FM radio station in the Fall 1967 to focus on their record label, Josey Sr and Jr had released a string of interesting 45s with local artists, including the only record that the legendary Conqueroo ever would release, as well as excellent singles by the Sweetarts and non-Austin band the Thingies. The label’s story has been chronicled in some detail in Not Fade Away #2, which oddly contains no mention of Cold Sun. Beyond a fairly impressive release catalog, Sonobeat took special interest in the technical aspects of record production, and in fact claimed to be the first label anywhere to feature a mono compatible “solid state stereo” sound on their early 45s. Around this time – 1969 – Josey was working with local band Mariani, named after and lead by their drummer but noted mainly for teenage wiz kid lead guitarist Eric Johnson, as well as with Johnny Winter whose reputation was already growing beyond Austin’s borders in the wake of a Texas music feature in Rolling Stone magazine.

First, excellent Sonobeat rock 45

Bill Miller remembers the first demo session, as almost everything else connected with the band, very clearly: “John Ike told Josey about me and he asked Mike Waugh to set up a meeting. I think the first time Josey heard me was in the studio. Mike and John Ike had only heard me play solo, through an amp at my house. Josey had me record a long demo – about 15 or 20 songs with me singing into a mic in the drum room and with the harp pickup plugged directly into the board. That first demo was supposedly a song demo. I recorded it in one night. That was when Josey`s studio was still in the basement of his house. During the recording of that first demo, he phoned Vince Mariani and had him come over. I saw him from the booth, staring at me and smirking. I emerged from the booth right after recording ‘Here In The Year’ followed by ‘God Is A Girl’ and met Vince, who said to me first off, ‘Man, you`re really a freak’”.

Bill Josey Sr was sufficiently impressed with Miller’s demo recordings to offer the band a development deal, where they would work on their music in order to produce recordings that could be pitched to major labels. Sonobeat made demo LPs of Mariani and Johnny Winter following the same principle, as well as a little known folk-oriented artist named Bill Wilson. When John Ike Walton did not join the band they brought in drummer Hugh Patton instead, and with a complete line-up in place they were ready for the recording studio. One final question that needed to be solved was the band’s name, however – they weren’t really Amethyst anymore, and in lack of a name Josey would refer to them as “The Bill Miller Project” for the time. About halfway into the sessions the band came up with COLD SUN, which would stick for the rest of their career. The band still used the Amethyst moniker for a few live gigs around this time.

As with many things in their history, the name “Cold Sun” is enigmatic. The 1989 retrospective album on the Rockadelic label that first brought the Sonobeat recordings to light didn’t even appear under that name, but as “Dark Shadows” which is the title of a popular 1960s mystery TV series. In the liner notes Miller denied ever having been in a band called Cold Sun, and suggested that they had always been called Dark Shadows. However he had referred to the band’s real name in a 1976 interview, where he mentioned that before playing with Roky Erickson in the Aliens he “spent seven years developing the electric auto-harp with a band called Cold Sun”. The name itself is derived from the legends of MU, made famous by the writings of Col James Churchward and more recently by the great 1970s rock band of the same name, led by Merrel Fankhauser. MU and the Lemurian mythology was popular in Cold Sun circles, although Miller says that he tried to come up with an even better band name later on.

Lemuriana – Ancient knowledge rising to consciousness.

IV

After using a local club for recording, the Sonobeat label had set up their own recording studio in the basement of the Joseys’ house. The early stages of the Cold Sun project were located to this basement studio, but the material actually preserved on tape was made at yet another Sonobeat studio in a building on North Lamar that also housed the KOKE radio station, owned by Austin’s then-mayor Roy Butler (ironically, KOKE was Josey’s old KAZZ-FM restructured and renamed). This is where all known Cold Sun recordings were made. Miller estimates the total time for the project to roughly 6 months, including work tapes, demos and actual recording sessions. All of the material had been written prior to the Sonobeat deal, but went through various changes and upgrades as the sessions progressed. There were also a few songs from the first demo tape that were discarded along the way, among them “God Is A Girl”, “Graduation Day” and “Do The Ray” which were all written by Miller – the latter being the band’s “dance tune”, inspired by Roger Corman’s “The Man With The X-Ray Eyes” – and “Mind Aura” and “Shifters” by lead guitarist Tom Mcgarrigle. Vince Mariani and Bill Josey both suggested that Miller do all the lead vocals, which may have been the reason that Mcgarrigle’s tunes weren’t used. Incidentally, Cold Sun bass player Mike Waugh was well familiar with Josey, having been used as an in-house session bassist on many Sonobeat recordings before joining the band.

Despite the creative and seemingly unproblematic nature of the sessions, Miller recalls that “Bill Josey did not understand where we were coming from musically. We couldn`t explain to him what`s happening, so I explained to him that Tom and I are simply, ‘Lou Reed fans’. He didn`t understand that, either.” Josey may have had a greater input on the technical aspects of recording Cold Sun than the actual music, and as Miller remembers him “Josey was indeed a wizard – maybe the closest thing that Texas had to a Joe Meek. Josey invented the Sonotone Black Box – a mysterious device, some sort of compressor. I do remember Eric Johnson recording with the Black Box , but he only used it to a minor degree. Johnson did not understand it. Neither did I. I played through it, too, to try it out, but never recorded with it.” The highly unusual autoharp likely ticked Josey’s interest, as there were no precedents for how to record it. As it turned out the autoharp was fed directly into the board on most songs, as was the bass. The Cold Sun recordings were originally intended to be in quadraphonic sound, one of Josey’s pet interests at the time.

In addition to musical arrangements, a lot of work was put into the lyrics. Miller isn’t very proud of them today, but they still stand head and shoulders above the usual hippie fantasy nonsense from the era. Every song has several lines that stick in memory the way well-written rock lyrics do. The vast majority of them were written by Miller, but input and inspiration also came from Mcgarrigle and band friend Winston Taylor. Another lyric collaborator of Cold Sun was Sonobeat associate Herman Nelson, a square-looking middle-aged man who behind his façade was known as a local mystic and white magician. Miller recalls the source for the tracks like this:
“Whatever ideas other than Colonel Jim/Mu stuff came from me, Tom and Winston. ‘Ra-Ma’, ‘Fall’ and ‘Twisted Flower’ were very much Churchward influenced. ‘South Texas’ and ‘See What You Cause’ were not, really, and ‘South Texas’ was mostly a 100% psychedelic anthem drenched in peyote. ‘For Ever’ and ‘Here In The Year’ were 100% me . Only ‘Fall’ and ‘Ra-Ma’ contained lyrics by the other 3 people.“

A numerological infatuation shared by Josey and the band members influenced the Cold Sun lyric writing and recording, according to Miller:

“Josey was superstitious. He believed that the Johnny Winter album’s exact track length was a lucky number. It was 43 or 45 minutes and – oh, I forget how many seconds. You can check the Johnny Winter length – you will find that it is exactly the same length as the Cold Sun album – exactly, to the second. ‘Ra-Ma’, and ‘Fall’ had to be made longer to fit that time frame and a song that Tom wrote was dropped at Tom`s insistance; he was as superstitious as Josey and prone to suggestion in those areas – fearful of certain numbers. So was I. I was desperate for more lyrics and am afraid those weak lines were not very real, just whatever would rhyme. I wrote the weak lines, myself. It was still a bit short in length, so Josey got the idea to add the wind chimes thing at the end of ‘Ra-Ma’.”

The running order presented on the 1989 Rockadelic issue of the Sonobeat tapes differs markedly from how Miller and Josey had envisioned the album back in 1970. This is their original, intended track order:

1.- “South Texas” (Miller)
2.- “Twisted Flower” (Miller)
3.- “Here In The Year’ (Miller)
4.- “For Ever” (Miller)
5.- “See What You Cause” (Miller)
6.- “Fall” (Miller, Taylor)
7.- “Ra Ma” (Miller, Mcgarrigle, Nelson)

While there are pros and cons of both structures, one could opine that “South Texas” would have made for an extremely strong opening, and that the album as a whole would build to an appropriate climax with “Ra-Ma”, as originally planned.

Regarding the musical re-arrangements during the sessions, Miller recalls that:

“Only ‘See What You Cause’ remained the same, even the technique of having Tom play bass and the bass player play lead guitar. Tom had no intention of playing bass, but it worked well on that song to do it that way. He and Mike both were cool about that. ‘Fall’ was the same musical passages as before, but, with new words added and the old lyrics 100% discarded – except the part about Dodge – that lyric was the same as the older version. The harmonica was also new in the ‘Josey’ era. In that photo of Cold Sun, you can see a harmonica holder attached to the top of the autoharp if you look closely. It was a harmonica holder with the neck piece removed, which I`d slide into place through brackets on the side of the harp – I would swivel the harp to ‘center’ and use the harp itself as a holder – while playing it – playing both instruments simultaneously.”

The vocals on the Cold Sun album have confused people as there seem to be two different lead vocalists, sometimes switching parts from one line to the next. The truth is that both vocalists are Miller, who in spite of not being a natural vocalist shows a remarkable versatility on the tracks – he will move from a dark, Jim Morrison-influenced vocal style into a piercing, Roky Erickson-like acid-punk voice seemingly without effort, and without ever revealing what is his “true” style. The vocal harmonies were handled by Mcgarrigle and Waugh, with Waugh given two lines of lead vocals on “Twisted Flower”; a source of amusement during the sessions, according to Miller:

”I really wanted Mike Waugh to sing the whole song and he wanted to, very much. However, he was not as good as me on that song as lead vocalist , except for those 2 lines. Bill Josey said, ‘He sounds like Jerry Lewis, and I don’t mean Jerry LEE Lewis!’. Josey later named the middle section (‘Yes, I receive the calls …’) the Jerry Lewis bit. In vocal sessions, Josey would say, ‘OK, lets try to improve on the third line of the Jerry Lewis bit.”

The eyes of the Gecko.

V

Here are some other Miller comments on the Cold Sun tracks:

Here In The Year — “Regarding the end section Josey said: ‘That is so beautiful. Surely you aren`t really going to let Tom put NOISE over that?’. Later, I laughingly told Tom. His reply was, ‘Well, cry me a river’. That song was not a Peyote song, though. It was a prediction of the Internet – but with links to the Ethernet. The original verse was ‘Here in the year 1969’. Lame, huh? Well, it was 1970, finally, and counting – and doubts increased about Josey cutting the ‘Columbia’ deal – I was motivated to alter the lyric a bit.”

Ra-Ma — ”All bass you hear in the beginning ‘dreamy’ segment is my thumb doing bass lines on the autoharp as I play the other strings with my fingers… Does the harmonica RUIN it? Does it help? I think it`s good on Ra-Ma. Josey liked it on that song. He smiled. I got it on the first take. I play lead guitar on the first part with vocals, ‘Crocodiles line the banks …’ etc. I wrote that guitar part and did not want Tom to waste time on it – he was too busy with other parts. Later, of course, he learned it for the live performances. Does ‘Ra-Ma’ sound better or worse, now that you know it was about Mu ?”

Fall — ”Herman Nelson wrote far more for Josey than I realized. I had forgotten that he wrote the melody and lyrics to Mariani`s ‘Re-Birthday’. I remembered a couple of lines he wrote for Cold Sun – ‘Fall’. ‘Willow binds like steel/from your lotus wheel’ Actually that was written for a different song – If I had used his words in the song he wrote it for, you would hear, ‘You may never see what you cause/You may never see what you cause/Willow binds like steel/from YOUR lotus wheel/from YOUR lotus wheel’. Funny, huh?”

See What You Cause — ”It was an obvious tribute to Roky, whom I had never met at that time. I was good at ghost writing for Rok even back then. That came in handy as I arranged ‘Bloody Hammer’, ‘Night Of The Vampire’, ‘Two Headed Dog’, and others.”

South Texas — “Inspired by a weekend in South Texas with 2 girls from Corpus Christi and a big bowl of peyote salsa and a drive-in Mexican restaurant with these great big fried tortillas. There was a motel crawling with these tiny geckos. Geckos have voices. Peyote is more AUDIO oriented than any other drug, as far as I know. Tom Mcgarrigle sounded like a Gecko with his guitar, at times.”

Twisted Flower — “The ‘Bass’ solo at the beginning is actually the autoharp. The drum clicks start it off and then the autoharp comes in with the heavy booming autoharp bass strings playing the bass solo, then Mike Waugh decends into what is a brief ‘Bass duet’ before the guitar and harp come in with the higher stuff.”

VI

The basic idea for the Cold Sun studio project was that Josey would pitch the finished recordings to a major label, Columbia being the one most frequently mentioned. The method of pressing vinyl demo discs in a limited run was going out of fashion, as modern tape techniques simplified the demoing process. The Mariani LP from 1969 was the last of the Sonobeat vinyl demos, and as the Cold Sun sessions were wrapped up in the Spring 1970, stereo cassette and quarter track dubs of studio tapes were used for presenting the material. This is the reason no demo LP or acetate exists from the original sessions (note: the infamous Cold Sun acetate dates from a later stage, detailed below). Unfortunately, Sonobeat’s financials were under pressure at this point and Josey may not have been able to put enough weight behind his Cold Sun pitch. The label had scored a substantial PR hit with Johnny Winter, whose “Winter” LP from early 1969 (later re-released as “Progressive Blues Experiment” on UA) was recorded with Sonobeat before Winter signed his huge deal with Columbia, but it appears that little or no profit from it ended up with Josey. In the case of Cold Sun it’s possible that the band’s unique brand of psychedelia did not match what record labels expected from an Austin band at the time. In short, no contract was signed, and Sonobeat itself went into low-profile.

Bill Josey Sr kept working with recordings of various local artists in a new studio outside Austin before becoming ill in 1976 and passing away shortly after. His son Bill Josey Jr who had been involved with the label and the KAZZ-FM station, using the on-air DJ alias of “Rim Kelly”, showed some interest in reviving the label in the 1990s, but nothing has yet come of these activities. Bill Miller remembers Josey Sr fondly. “I lost track of Josey news around the time I began to help Roky develop his songs, a few months before BliebAlien did local shows – must have been circa late 1974. I don`t think Bill Josey did much more before his fatal illness, but have wondered what he did in that period. Things were moving so fast. I regret not visiting Bill Josey again. He was a great man, gave a lot to the Texas scene.” Bill Josey’s and the Sonobeat label’s full story still remains to be told.

The Cold Sun saga was far from over, however. The band kept working on their material and gigging locally now and then. Bill Miller recalls several new tunes from the post-Sonobeat era, such as “D.J.`s Locker”, “The Worldwide Voice Of James” and “PayOla”. A live recording from the time includes “Out Of Phase”, “Where The Shadows Lie”, and “Live Again”. Most of these were written by Miller, who was the band’s driving force at this stage. Tom Mcgarrigle actually left the band for a period, but came back shortly after. Bass player Mike Waugh, whose musicianship is still held in high regard by Miller, unfortunately left the band and had to be replaced – a very daunting task according to Miller. After another bass player didn’t work out Waugh was replaced with a Mike Ritchey, and with Mcgarrigle back this was the Cold Sun line-up for the rest of the band’s career. The on-stage photo of the band from the Palmer Auditorium (where Bob Dylan had played a legendary show back in 1965) shows this last line-up.

Fred Mitchim recalls the live Cold Sun like this: “On stage Bill would be slumped over his harp and Tom would be standing real straight like Cipollina. My memory of how they were perceived by the locals is from the 2 or 3 times I saw them play. In the clubs it went right over most people’s heads. At this time I’m positive no one had ever been exposed to anything like Bill’s wide eyed scary psychedelia. At the high point of each set Bill would turn a fuzz box on his harp and play it with a kitchen knife. As I was saying… Zoom… right over their heads. I don’t remember them playing out that much but it seems like they we’re always slaving over the album they were recording so if you were not a local musician you might not know much about them and back then almost no one was allowed to hear the recordings.”

JohnDavid Bartlett has similar memories: “The ‘over the head’ reference is true. There weren’t that many live Cold Sun shows as I remember. But at the ones I saw, when a song would end the musicians in the audience would howl, while the rest looked like the audience in “The Producers” at the end of “Springtime for Hitler”.

Bill Miller considers the prospect of going west.

The band was never a success locally. It appears that their music simply was too far removed from what was happening around Austin, the parallel infatuation with country and blues “roots” music being all the rage, and the city’s growing national exposure giving increased credence to that orientation. Cold Sun built partly upon the 13th Floor Elevators, but the Elevators were dead and buried in 1971 and people wouldn’t even admit having once liked them. Their other musical influences were urban and intellectual, and wholly alien to what was going on. As Miller recalls, “We played shows that were a faithfully reproduced live version of the album – but better. We were not that serious about playing in Texas, but would have played more. When you hear that album, whatever it is that makes you like it, you should understand that the same thing that makes you like it served to make clubs and brats in Austin NOT like it”. They weren’t without supporters, though: “Vince [Mariani] never missed any show we did. We reminded him of some lost element from childhood – carnivals. After one show he said, ‘You guys sound like you just walked out of a space ship’”.

VII

The band soldiered on into 1973 with Miller busy learning the ropes of the music industry. Tom Mcgarrigle left the band permanently, and Miller relocated briefly to Memphis and worked on his business network. Cold Sun was on the back burner, but another and equally interesting phase was just around the corner. Some time earlier mutual friend Winston Taylor had introduced Miller to Roky Erickson, who had been released after 3 years in Rusk State Hospital and was back in Austin. Miller recalls an early encounter with Roky: “One day, I entered Roky`s house and he had allowed a pile of wax candles to melt into the center of the shag carpet until the carpet became the wick of the giant candle, burning brightly. Roky was sitting on a large chair smoking a J. A man with long hair, glasses, and white robes was at his feet. Roky was barefoot and the man was washing his feet in some special ceremonial golden platen – presumably filled with Holy Water? The man used a special cloth and every motion seemed like some specialized routine, some ritual.”

Patrick Mcgarrigle – you owe him thanks.

Roky Erickson’s career was essentially back to zero at this point. There were some one-off Elevators reunions, but not much else. Roky had a network of friends who helped him through his Rusk period and after, among them Patrick Mcgarrigle, younger brother of Cold Sun’s lead guitarist. In an effort to revitalize Roky’s rock’n’roll career Patrick Mcgarrigle wanted to put a band together, and as part of this Bill Miller was contacted. Bringing in “the only two musicians in Texas I could trust”, Mike Ritchey and Hugh Patton were selected for the rhythm section, and so BLIEBALIEN was born. As Miller points out, this band was essentially Cold Sun under a new name, with Roky on guitar instead of Tom Mcgarrigle. Roky had written a massive number of songs – perhaps as many as 200 – while in Rusk, and the BliebAlien project aimed mainly at arranging these for a rock setting. Live gigs weren’t a priority, but as a local show at the Ritz unexpectedly was booked, Miller was called in to join the band. This marked the beginning of a phase that later would lead to Roky Erickson & the Aliens being formed, an outfit who should need no introduction. The BliebAlien and Aliens years lie outside the scope of this article, but will hopefully be covered elsewhere. According to Miller, it is “even stranger” than the Cold Sun saga.

This isn’t quite the end, however. Sometime around 1973 Cold Sun bass player Mike Ritchey had taken the Sonobeat master tapes and had an acetate made from them. The main reason was that he wanted to be able to replay the recordings – on which he doesn’t actually play – on regular hifi equipment. As far as can be determined, only 1 single acetate was made, and remained in Ritchey’s possession. At one point he played it for Roky Erickson, who was surprised as he hadn’t heard of neither Cold Sun nor Bill Miller’s songwriting capabilities. As Miller tells it, Roky confronted him after hearing the acetate:

ROKY : “Now, Bill, who is the writer in this band?”
BILL : “You are, Roky. Why would I want Bill Miller for a writer when I could have Roky Erickson? Do you think I`m stupid?”

Soon after this incident the Cold Sun acetate and the band itself disappeared off the face of the earth; the only trace of them anywhere was a brief 1976 interview reference by Miller. As it turned out, it would be 15 years before anyone heard of Cold Sun again.

VIII

“At one time my greatest fear would have been the thought of anyone hearing the old Cold Sun recordings.”

In 1989, Rich Haupt and his partner Mark Migliore of the Dallas-based Rockadelic record label were approached by Michael Ritchey, who knew Migliore since before. Ritchey wanted them to hear something with his “old band”. As Haupt recalls it,

”It was a 3 or 4 song acetate labeled Cold Sun…..needless to say when we listened to it we were blown away. Michael got Mark in touch with Bill Miller and he tried to work out a deal to release the material. After many conversations, Mark gave up and concluded that these songs would never be released as Bill was pretty adamant about NOT releasing them. I asked Mark if I could give it a try and after many hours on the phone I think I convinced Bill that his material was GREAT and that it would be a shame if no one got to hear the LP. Bill finally agreed but there were some details that were difficult to work out. The biggest obstacle was the name of the band. Michael Ritchey, who was responsible for getting the ball rolling (although he was in the band AFTER the recordings) insisted the name of the band was/should be Cold Sun. Bill on the other hand insisted on Dark Shadows, which was something he made up years after the band was defunct. I did my best to compromise and printed both “names” on the cover. The second big issue was the inserts that went in the LP. Bill wanted his extensive notes while Michael wanted a more simplistic, coherent insert. Again I tried my best to compromise and put Bill’s notes in 1/2 the LP’s and Michael’s in the other half. There is no question that this is the best LP we have had the privilege of releasing, and hopefully Bill is glad that it ultimately has worked out the way it has. I could have pressed MANY copies of this both on vinyl and CD over the years but have stuck to my word of only releasing 300 copies.”

It should be pointed out that the acetate was not the source for the Rockadelic reissue, but rather dubs from the original Sonobeat master tapes, which were still in Miller’s possession. The acetate only features about 2/3rds of the material on the Rockadelic record, and is in pretty worn shape — a fact that didn’t keep it from selling for a whopping $10.000 on the record collector market recently. The actual deal reached between Rockadelic Records and Miller was unusual:

“All Rich Haupt paid me for the album was: A giant billboard sized picture of Simone Simon. He said – “If you let me release this, I will pay you. How much money do you require ?” I said, “I would require a giant billboard sized picture of Simone Simon, so I can erect a proper shrine for worship.” Rich said , “Who is Simone Simon ?”. I told him: Star of “Cat People”, the icon star of Jacques Tourneur, who was the David Lynch of the 1940`s. Jacques Tourneur directed “I Walked With A Zombie”. So, Rich got me a giant picture of Simone Simon. And I sent him the Josey reel dub from the Josey master.”

The album front cover was designed by Rockadelic, while Miller suggested putting the tegu lizard on the back. Apart from the liner note insert, the package included a color on-stage photograph of the band. The release was an instant success among fans of underground psychedelia, and the 300 numbered copies sold out very quickly. Despite having been bootlegged (in inferior sound and without inserts), it now changes hands for over $100. Even after the album was released Miller was unimpressed with his old recordings, and would not discuss the Cold Sun era. It would be several years and much prodding from fans across the world before he recognized that they may have great value, even if they failed to wow the world back in 1970. As of this writing plans for a CD release of the Sonobeat masters, and hopefully some bonus live material, are in progress. Meanwhile, Miller – who today is known as Billy Angel – has entered a third, or fourth, phase in his career, now as autoharpist with the Blood Drained Cows, a Southwestern rock band that also features members from 1980s legends the Angry Samoans. The Blood Drained Cows are gigging frequently around USA and have a new CD out, titled “13”. On stage the band plays a 13th Floor Elevators cover, thus closing a circle that began in Austin 1966.

© Patrick Lundborg and Lysergia.com, 2003-2008

This article has also appeared in print in MISTY LANE magazine #18, 2003.

REFERENCES

1. “Texas Rock & Roll Spectacular” by Chet Flippo, in Phonograph Record Magazine, March-1974

2. 13th Floor Elevators article by Stephanie Chernikowski, in Not Fade Away magazine #1, 1975.

3. Sonobeat article by Doug Hanners in Not Fade Away magazine #2, 1977. (Online with Bill Josey photo at www.scarletdukes.com/st/tm_aussonobeat.html)

4. Texas rock article by Larry Sepulvado and John Burks in Rolling Stone, issue #23.

5. Brown Paper Sack magazine #1, edited by Andrew Brown, 1997.

6. “13th Floor Elevators – the Complete Reference File”, book by Patrick Lundborg, 2002. lysergia_2.tripod.com/elevRefFileMain.htm

7. “Journey To Tyme”, discography of Texas music by David Shutt, 2nd edition 1981.

8. The Ghetto website, with Austin 1965-69 article by Gerry Storm.

9. Rockadelic Records website, with Cold Sun audio clip

10. Blood Drained Cows site with links to Billy Angel’s site.

To discuss and learn more about Texas music from the 1960s and early 1970s, visit the Texas 60s Refuge.

Source / Lysergia

Many thanks to Patrick Lundborg and Thomas McGarrigle / The Rag Blog

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The Mexican Dilemma: Biofuel or Food?

Street vendor in Mexico City. Critics of biofuels say they push up the cost of food.

Mexico’s gamble on biofuels
By Alberto Najar / June 26, 2009

Mexican authorities intent on tackling the issues surrounding the production of biofuels are faced with one fundamental question. Should they have clean air, or cheap food to feed the country’s poor?

In a country where, according to official estimates, 40 million people live in poverty and 30% of the maize consumed is imported, the answer not straightforward.

On the one hand there is the international commitment the government has made to promote the use of renewable fuels and to fight climate change.

On the other, environmentalists warn that producing raw materials for ethanol and biodiesel displace production of basic grains, especially maize, the staple of the Mexican diet.

“We could lose the ability to produce our own food,” says Raul Benet, a spokesman for the activist group Rostros sin Voces, or Faceless Voices.

But the undersecretary of agriculture, Francisco Lopez Tostado, flatly rejects that there is any kind of conflict.

And if there was, he tells BBC Mundo, “food would definitely prevail”.

Second generation

Mexico has produced legislation to restrict the use of maize in the production of biofuels.

The grain can only be used if there is a national surplus and domestic demand has been met.

But those are conditions that have yet to be satisfied, acknowledges Mr Tostado.

So, faced with a collapse in its green energy strategy, the government has made changes that they hope will make it possible to both comply with its international commitments regarding biofuels and feed its poor.

One of those commitments is that by 2011 it will replace 2% of hydrocarbons used in three of the country’s main cities – Guadalajara, Monterrey and Mexico City – with green alternatives.

Instead of maize, officials are looking to produce ethanol from sugar cane or sea weed, for example, and biodiesel from palm trees or castor oil plants.

Experiments have been made with sweet sorghum, cassava and jatropha (or physic nut), that could be applied in the production of so-called second generation biofuels.

This is when vegetable waste is recycled to make the biomass used in the first stages of production.

There is a total of 145 projects being carried out to find the optimum raw material for the production of biofuels, according to Mr Tostado.

But environmentalists fear that a new Biofuels Bill, which is yet to become law, could risk opening the door to the inclusion of maize in the production of biofuels.

The undersecretary of energy, Jordi Herrera, dismisses that possibility, as the use of maize as raw material for biofuels is banned in Mexico.

“Nothing and nobody can be above the law”, he tells the BBC.

Since last year, the government has stopped financial support to projects that would be using maize in biofuel production.

In the north-eastern town of Sinaloa, two plants had already been built for that purpose. Now they will have to adapt so they can use different raw materials such as sugar cane.

So alternatives to maize are the key.

If Mexico succeeds in making fuel from these alternatives it may well manage to have it all: green energy and food for its poor.

Source / BBC News

Thanks to Deva Wood / The Rag Blog

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Still Not Much Concrete Evidence of Iranian Election Fraud

Tehran, August 19, 1953.

Tehran, June 13, 2009.

See also, In a micro-blogging world, caution needed on macro of #iranelection by Maha Zimmo, below.

AJAX REDUX: US Heavy Meddle in Iran
By Nima Shirazi / The Rag Blog / June 26, 2009

The Western press has clearly taken a side and has successfully managed to drag its uninformed audience along with it. News reports all refer to the continuing groundswell of protest to the election results as an “unprecedented” show of courage, resistance, and people power against the government not seen in Iran since the 1979 revolution.

But what we have seen this past week seems to have far more in common with the events of fifty-six years ago, rather than just thirty.

In 1953, the United States government, at the behest of Britain, tasked CIA operatives Kermit Roosevelt, Jr. and Donald Wilber to overthrow the democratically-elected government of Iran, in order to put an end to the process of oil nationalization by Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh. This nationalism “outraged the British, who had ‘bought’ the exclusive right to exploit Iranian oil from a corrupt Shah, and the Americans, who feared that allowing nationalization in Iran would encourage leftists around the world.” The coup d’etat, which took a mere three weeks to execute, was accomplished in a number of stages. First, members of the Iranian Parliament and leaders of political parties were bribed to oppose Mossadegh publicly, thereby making the government appear fragmented and not unified. Newspaper owners, editors, columnists and reporters were then paid off in order to spread lies and propaganda against the Prime Minister.

Furthermore, high-ranking clerics, influential businessmen, members of the police, security forces, and military were bribed, as well. Roosevelt hired the leaders of street gangs in Tehran, using them to help create the impression that the rule of law had totally disintegrated in Iran and that the government had no control over its population. Stephen Kinzer, journalist and author of All the Shah’s Men, tells us that “at one point, [Roosevelt] hired a gang to run through the streets of Tehran, beating up any pedestrian they found, breaking shop windows, firing their guns into mosques, and yelling, ‘We love Mossadegh and communism.’ This would naturally turn any decent citizen against him.” In a stroke of manipulative genius, Roosevelt then hired a second mob to attack the first mob, thereby giving the Iranian people the impression that there was no police presence and that civil society had devolved into complete chaos, with the government totally incapable of restoring order. Kinzer elaborates,

They rampaged through the streets by the tens of thousands. Many of them, I think, never even really understood they were being paid by the C.I.A. They just knew they had been given a good day’s wage to go out in the street and chant something. Many politicians whipped up the crowds during those days…They started storming government buildings. There were gunfights in front of important buildings.

After all was said and done, Prime Minister Mossadegh had been deposed and a military coup returned the monarchy to Iran by installing the pro-western Mohammed Reza Pahlevi on the Peacock throne. The Shah’s brutal, tyrannical dictatorship – established, supported, and funded by the United States – lasted 26 years. In 1979, the Iranian people returned the favor.

So what have we been seeing in Iran this past week?

Whereas there is scant evidence of any actual voter fraud or ballot rigging in the recent reelection of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the popular movement we’ve been seeing on the streets of Tehran and elsewhere is being treated by the American media as some sort of new revolution; an energized, grassroots, and spontaneous effort to overthrow the leaders of the Islamic Republic in favor of a secular, pro-Western “democracy.”

Yet, there is plenty of evidence to suggest that, whereas there are surely thousands of sincere and committed activists and participants in the recent protests, what we are witnessing may very well be the culmination of years of American infiltration and manipulation of both the Iranian establishment and public.

Back in 2005, the United States government was already funding groups it designated as terrorist organizations to carry out violent attacks within Iran in order to destabilize the Iranian government. In 2007, ABC News reported that George W. Bush has signed a secret “Presidential finding” which authorized the CIA to “mount a covert “black” operation to destabilize the Iranian government.” These operations, according to current and former intelligence officials, included “a coordinated campaign of propaganda broadcasts, placement of negative newspaper articles, and the manipulation of Iran’s currency and international banking transactions.”

In May of that same year, the London Telegraph reported that Bush administration zealot John Bolton revealed that an American military attack on Iran would “be a ‘last option’ after economic sanctions and attempts to foment a popular revolution had failed.” Two weeks later, the Telegraph independently verified the ABC report, saying that, “Mr. Bush has signed an official document endorsing CIA plans for a propaganda and disinformation campaign intended to destabilize, and eventually topple, the theocratic rule of the mullahs.”

Daniel McAdams tells us that, at the time, “the president met with the Congressional Star Chamber, the “gang of 8″ House and Senate leaders, and was granted the authorization to use some $400 million for among other things, as the Washington Post reported, “activities ranging from spying on Iran’s nuclear program to supporting rebel groups opposed to the country’s ruling clerics…”

Then, in early May 2008, Counterpunch‘s Andrew Cockburn revealed that “Six weeks ago, President Bush signed a secret finding authorizing a covert offensive against the Iranian regime that, according to those familiar with its contents was ‘unprecedented in its scope.’

“Bush’s secret directive covers actions across a huge geographic area – from Lebanon to Afghanistan – but is also far more sweeping in the type of actions permitted under its guidelines – up to and including the assassination of targeted officials. This widened scope clears the way, for example, for full support for the military arm of Mujahedin-e Khalq, the cultish Iranian opposition group, despite its enduring position on the State Department’s list of terrorist groups.

Similarly, covert funds can now flow without restriction to Jundullah, or “army of god,” the militant Sunni group in Iranian Baluchistan – just across the Afghan border – whose leader was featured not long ago on Dan Rather Reports cutting his brother-in-law’s throat.

Other elements that will benefit from U.S. largesse and advice include Iranian Kurdish nationalists, as well the Ahwazi Arabs of southwest Iran.

Of course, US officials denied any “direct funding” of Jundallah, but admitted regular contact since 2005 with its leader Abd el Malik Regi, who was widely reputed to be involved in heroin trafficking from Afghanistan. Funding has reportedly been funneled through Iranian exiles with connections in Europe and the Gulf States.

Furthermore, on June 29, 2008, Seymour Hersh of the New Yorker confirmed all of these reports, writing, “Late last year, Congress agreed to a request from President Bush to fund a major escalation of covert operations against Iran, according to current and former military, intelligence, and Congressional sources. These operations, for which the President sought up to four hundred million dollars, were described in a Presidential Finding signed by Bush, and are designed to destabilize the country’s religious leadership.” Among the activities Hersh cited were “gathering intelligence about Iran’s suspected nuclear-weapons program”, “undermining Iran’s nuclear ambitions” and “trying to undermine the government through regime change [by] working with opposition groups and passing money.”

But the US campaign against Iran didn’t come to a halt with the ascension of President Obama. There is no evidence to conclude that the $400 million dollars Bush signed off on has been put to different use (like, say, funding public schools or healthcare.) In early June 2008, Justin Raimondo of Antiwar wrote, “Obama, with his peace overtures [to Iran], serves as the smiley-face mask for some pretty loathsome activities. The U.S. government claims to be fighting terrorism, yet is sponsoring groups that plant bombs in mosques, kidnap tourists as well as Iranian policemen, and fund their activities with drug-running in addition to covert subsidies courtesy of the U.S. taxpayers.” He continues,

“What’s going on in Iran today – a sustained campaign of terrorism directed against civilians and government installations alike – is proof positive that nothing has really changed much in Washington, as far as U.S. policy toward Iran is concerned. We are on a collision course with Tehran, and both sides know it. Obama’s public “reaching out” to the Iranians is a fraud of epic proportions. While it’s true that our covert terrorist attacks on Iran were initiated under the Bush regime, under Obama we’re seeing no letup in these sorts of incidents; if anything, they’ve increased in frequency and severity.”

Days before the Iranian election, a suicide-bomber killed at least 25 people, and wounded over 125 others, inside a prominent Shi’a mosque in the city of Zahedan, in the southeast province of Sistan-Baluchistan. The rebel Sunni group, Jundallah, which is linked to the US, claimed responsibility for the blast, which was immediately followed up by attacks on banks, water-treatment facilities, and other key installations in and around Zahedan, including a strike against the local campaign headquarters of Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Last year, Jundallah ( which is committed to establishing a Baluchi Islamic state in southeastern Iran and parts of Pakistan and one of whose founding members is allegedly the infamously waterboarded al Qaeda operative Khalid Sheikh Mohammed) kidnapped 16 Iranian policemen and videotaped their execution. There was also recently an attempted bombing of an Iranian airplane, which took off from the southwestern city of Ahvaz on the Iraqi border, which has a heavily Arab population. These recent events add up to what Raimondo refers to as “a small-scale insurgency” arising in Iran’s southern provinces.

Both the White House and State Department immediately denounced these attacks and denied any involvement in what they called “recent terrorist attacks inside Iran.” Furthermore, there were reports that the Obama administration was considering adding Jundallah to the State’s Department’s list of terrorist organizations. However, analyst Steve Weissman notes, “the administration suddenly backed away from making the terrorist designation or from otherwise indicating that it would stop the destabilization campaign.”

(Incidentally, one of the only two provinces in Iran that went for Mousavi last Friday was Sistan-Baluchistan and crowds of about 2,000 people have taken to the streets in Ahvaz since the election.)

Support for Jundallah – which in what could be the result of a savvy public relations suggestion by the Pentagon, recently changed its name to the Iranian People’s Resistance Movement – is just one way the United States has worked to foment an anti-Iranian united front within the country on the verge of the Presidential elections. As such, we are told, “the U.S. is, in effect, conducting a secret war against Tehran, a covert campaign aimed at recruiting Iran’s ethnic and religious minorities – who make up the majority of the population in certain regions, such as in the southeast borderlands near Pakistan – into a movement to topple the government in Tehran, or, at least, to create so much instability that U.S. intervention to ‘keep order’ in the region is justified.”

Ken Timmerman, the executive director of the right-wing Foundation for Democracy in Iran, which is the Persian Service of Voice of America (VOA), “spilled the beans on activities of the other arm of US meddling overseas, the obscenely mis-named National Endowment for Democracy, in a piece written one day before the election,” McAdams tells us. Timmerman apparently stated that “there’s the talk of a ‘green revolution’ in Tehran,” prompting McAdams to “wonder where that ‘talk’ was coming from. Timmerman did not appear to be writing from Iran.” McAdams continues,

Timmerman went on to write, with admirable candor and honesty, that:

“The National Endowment for Democracy has spent millions of dollars during the past decade promoting ‘color’ revolutions in places such as Ukraine and Serbia, training political workers in modern communications and organizational techniques.

“Some of that money appears to have made it into the hands of pro-Mousavi groups, who have ties to non-governmental organizations outside Iran that the National Endowment for Democracy funds.”

Yes, you say, but what does a blow-hard propagandist like Timmerman know about such things? Well, he should know! His very spooky Foundation for Democracy in Iran has its own snout deep in the trough of NED’s “open covert actions” against the Iranian government.

How does the “Foundation for Democracy in Iran” seek to “promote democracy” in Iran with our tax dollars? Foundation co-founder Joshua Muravchik gives us a hint in his subtly-titled LA Times piece, “Bomb Iran.”

Additionally, Weissman warns of Timmerman’s devious sincerity: “Please note that this comes from a very involved right-wing critic who personally knows the expatriate Iranian community,” he writes. “It is impossible to know how much government money went to these groups, since Congress has purposely exempted the National Endowment for Democracy from having to make public how it spends taxpayer money.”

Even more recently, commentator Stephen Lendman reports that former Pakistani Army General Mirza Aslam Beig told Pasto Radio on June 15 that “undisputed” intelligence proves CIA interference in the internal affairs of Iran. “The documents prove that the CIA spend $400 million inside Iran to prop up a colorful-hollow revolution following the election” and to incite regime change for a pro-Western government.

So, are we finally seeing that $400 million pay off in Iran this past week?

There are plenty of clues that reveal the Iranian street protests we’re seeing daily in the news may not be all we’re told they are. Indeed, the sheer numbers of protesters are impressive and anyone who feels that an injustice has occurred should certainly take to the streets – and not be subject to any sort of police brutality – but much of what we’ve seen and heard in the past two weeks shows signs of orchestration and bears fingerprints of foreign manipulation.

Many of the protesters we have seen are well-dressed westernized young people in Tehran who are carrying signs written in English, reading, “Where is My Vote?” and other such slogans in English. If the young voters of Iran were addressing their frustrations to their own government, why weren’t they speaking the same language? Protesters seen in many YouTube videos and interviewed on American television also speak perfect English. An early message received through a social networking site after the election, sent to the National Iranian American Council and subsequently reported by the American media, came from (allegedly) an Iranian in Tehran. It read:

“I am in Tehran. Its 3:40 in the morning. I’ve connected with you [by hacking past the government filter]. It’s a big mess here. People are yelling from their houses – ‘death to the dictator.’ They are setting up a military government. No one dares to go out. No one has seen Mousavi today. Rumor has it that they have arrested him. I don’t have an email but I will contact you again.

Help us.”

The idea of an Iranian, aware of the long history of US interference in Iranian affairs, beseeching an audience in America for “help” is, to put it lightly, dubious.

(The same should definitely be said about a recent OpEd featured in the New York Times last Sunday which was supposedly written by “a student in Iran.” The article, clearly hoping to galvanize the American readership into strongly supporting pro-Mousavi protesters against the Iranian government, was almost surreal. In it, the author – curiously named “Shane M.” which is perhaps the least Iranian name ever – denies the accuracy of pre-election polling by writing, “let’s not cloud the results with numbers that were, like bagels, stale a week later.” Later, he describes a scene from the widespread pre-election pro-Mousavi street parties in Tehran, including this observation: “A girl hung off the edge of a car window “Dukes of Hazzard” style.” What possible young “Iranian student” would casually reference bagels and Dukes of Hazzard is beyond me, but I can probably think of a few CIA agents that may enjoy both.)

As for the widespread claim, published in nearly every major newspaper, that Mousavi had been disappeared, imprisoned, or put under house arrest, it obviously wasn’t true considering that the very next day Mousavi was addressing a crowd of tens of thousands in the middle of Tehran from the roof of his car.

Furthermore, the chants we hear of “death to the dictator, death to Ahmadinejad” don’t make much sense coming from Iranian citizens. As Paul Craig Roberts points out, “Every Iranian knows that the President of Iran is a public figure with limited powers. His main role is to take the heat from the governing grand Ayatollah. No Iranian, and no informed westerner, could possibly believe that Ahmadinejad is a dictator. Even Ahmadinejad’s superior, Khamenei, is not a dictator as he is appointed by a government body that can remove him.” Roberts goes on to say,

The demonstrations, like those in 1953, are intended to discredit the Iranian government and to establish for Western opinion that the government is a repressive regime that does not have the support of the Iranian people. This manipulation of opinion sets up Iran as another Iraq ruled by a dictator who must be overthrown by sanctions or an invasion.

Early reports of the Tehran rallies revealed that pro-Mousavi protesters were throwing rocks at Iranian police and security forces, as well as burning police motorcycles, city buses, and even private and government buildings. In contrast, we also heard of riot police beating protesters, gas and water cannons being used on crowds, and Basiji paramilitary groups opening fire on peaceful demonstrators. Even though Iranian officials have blamed recent street violence on Mousavi supporters and marchers point to pro-government gangs, accusing them of staging incidents in order to justify further “crackdown” of dissent, the truth may be even more sinister. As one pro-Mousavi protester, who has taken part in every single march so far this week, told Newsweek, “I think some small terrorist groups and criminal gangs are taking advantage of the situation.” American money well-spent, perhaps.

According to the national intelligence services, a group of US-linked terrorists who had planned to set off twenty explosions in Tehran were discovered. Nevertheless a bomb still went off near the shrine of Iran’s revolutionary founder, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, killing one and injuring two.

Despite the rise in violence in the past week, Khamenei has consistently differentiated between what he believes are rebel groups and non-political protesters and “the electoral fans and supporters” of Mousavi. He is quoted as saying that “those who devastate the public assets and private belongings of the people are carrying out the aggressive actions without any political purposes” and urged the defeated presidential candidates to utilize “legal venues” to voice their complaints. Khamenei stated, “the destiny of elections would be determined on the ballots, not on the palm of the streets.”

Officials in the Iranian government are well-aware, and appropriately suspicious, of foreign meddling in their domestic affairs. Ali Larijani, the pragmatic, moderate conservative Speaker of Parliament and frequent Ahmadinejad opponent, said recently in a live televised speech, “those who under the mask of political fans of a certain movement or candidate impose damages to the public properties or paralyze the daily life of ordinary people are not among the protestors who want their votes to be virtuously preserved,” adding that “the liberty of demonstrations should be respected, and those who are in charge of issuing certifications to legitimize the protesting rallies should cooperate and issue them constructively.”

The Western media is certainly not helping matters. It should be remembered, first off, that both the BBC and New York Times played important roles in the 1953 overthrow. Bill Van Auken’s The New York Times and Iran: Journalism as State Provocation tells us of the documentation of journalism as the media arm of the imperial state, including the direct military participation of one of its CIA-connected reporters in the coup against Mossadegh:

In 1953, [the New York Times] correspondent in Tehran, Kennett Love, was not only a willing conduit for CIA disinformation, but also acknowledged participating directly in the coup. He subsequently wrote of giving an Iranian Army tank column instructions to attack Mossadegh’s house. Afterwards, the Times celebrated the coup and demanded unconditional support for the Shah’s regime.

The BBC is known to have spearheaded Britain’s own propaganda campaign, broadcasting the code word (“exactly”) that launched the coup d’état itself. Even the rise and importance of new media has to be viewed critically – something Western journalists aren’t very good at. CNN recently created a new disclaimer icon to account for all the “unverified” material they’ve been broadcasting ’round the clock in their effort to stand with protesters and against the Iranian government.

The Iranian “twitter boom” has, to a certain extent, been engineered by a small group of anti-Ahmadinejad advocates in the United States and Israel. Whereas media organizations excitedly report about young Iranians twittering away on the streets of Tehran, it’s clear that most of the activity is simply Americans “tweeting” amongst themselves. Nevertheless, the US government requested that Twitter postpone a scheduled downtime for maintenance so that tweeting from Iran could go uninterrupted. But, of course, this isn’t meddling. Additionally, Caroline McCarthy of CNET News reports that “Users from around the world are resetting the location data in their profiles to Tehran, the capital of Iran, in order to confuse Iranian authorities who may be attempting to use the microblogging tool to track down opposition activity.” While I’m not sure about “confusing” Iranian authorities, I am sure that actions like this serve to overhype the scope, reach, and importance of social networking and alternative media in Iranian politics and activism. The voices of the Iranian people should, of course, be heard and listened to – but the twittering mass of American, European, and Israeli support can hardly be said to speak on behalf of the Iranian public.

This disingenuous statement of President Obama may offer us some insight. In the early days of the post-election protests, he said, “It is not productive, given the history of US and Iranian relations to be seen as meddling in Iranian elections.”

American meddling, Mr. Obama? Never! Especially not when our government is responsible for thirty years of sanctions, overt and covert operations designed to weaken one of the only countries that has ever successfully stood up to American imperialism in the face of aggressive efforts to foment dissent and promote regime change.

* * * * *

Please also read Jeremy R. Hammond’s exceptional piece on Foreign Policy Journal, entitled “Has the U.S. Played a Role in Fomenting Unrest During Iran’s Election?

This article also appeared at Nima Shirazi’s blog, Wide Asleep in America.
more like a civil rights movement than a pre-revolutionary situation.

What is not up for discussion here is whether Iran needs a revolution, as this is a call not to be made by you or I, but rather only by the citizenry of the country itself. Also not up for discussion is that we must always stand in solidarity with brutalized demonstrators of any country (regardless if they are representative of the minority or majority).

The nuances

Slowly surfacing is that there are many other groups participating in these opposition rallies (both inside and outside of Iran), who do not share the same objectives as the dominant forces in the opposition. In many instances, the variances are quite large and range from a complete reformation yet protection of the existing political system, to the fantastical demand of the return of the Shah, to the hope of overthrowing the entire regime, to the simple demand of replacing one leader by another, to completely shedding the veil of a theocracy etc., ad infinitum.

Should the current political situation become the foundation of an actual revolution, then the possible absence of cohesion among the reformists may cause chaos, instability and great civil unrest within Iran for years to come. Chaos, instability and great civil unrest are not the intent of the reformist movement; anyone who would argue that does indeed require a snooze.

For the love of conspiracy

Some might consider it a conspiracy theory the claim that many of the alleged Twitter feeds from Iran were in fact all opened on the same day and from inside of the State of Israel, the argument being that the Mossad has been partly responsible for fanning the flames that may lead to the instability of Iran. If this is in fact true, then there are two main possible explanations for this interference: (1) this is being done in order to divert attention away from Israel’s criminal actions and oppression of the Palestinian people, of which we saw even more horrible images than what we are currently witnessing in Iran; and/or (2) The destabilization of Iran, and the subsequent possibly immediate affects on Syria and Lebanon.

Some might consider it a conspiracy theory the claim that the misrepresentation of that which is being hailed as a ‘revolution,’ does in fact serve, to the greatest interest, the political machinations of the American neo-conservative movement. But before calling it a conspiracy theory, consider the reality that as I type, the pressure on Obama — from the conservative right — to render null his campaign promise to engage in a dialogue with Iran persists, increases and may soon become the rallying call of well-meaning everyday folk. Our cries for ‘democracy’ and ‘freedom’ in Iran are the same rhetoric utilized by the American right power elite when they demand that Obama “stand for democracy” and “be on the right side of history” taking a stronger stand against Iran.

Stronger stand, how? Tossing a missile or two at ‘targeted’ regime-only locations (no civilians will die, we promise) within Iran, free Iran? (we heart Google Earth); advancing the cause of freedom and democracy in the Middle East begins with ensuring the success of a free Iran?

My apologies, there. Forgive that minor lapse of memory and the fact that I have just misquoted; it appears I am in fact brunette and therefore require a nap. Because actually, the transcript of the speech reads “advancing the cause of freedom and democracy in the Middle East begins with ensuring the success of a free Iraq.”

Conspiracy theory indeed. As conspiratorial as the idea of war-for-profit; as conspiratorial as the idea that torture is institutionalized behavior within the US military; and as conspiratorial as the notion that America’s is a rogue state.

The Empire always conspires, and no less so when people are taking to the streets with great courage to express legitimate grievances. But this doesn’t mean those of us opposed to the machinations of the U.S and Israeli right should be silent.

We can support the call for civil liberties and civil rights in Iran: the right to organize, to assemble, dissent, and to vote for whomever they choose. And, yes, even the right to tweet, so long as we remain vigilant about the macro geo politics as well.

[Maha Zimmo is a political analyst whose areas of concentration are the Middle East, Islam and the international legal system. She received her Master of Arts from the Department of Law at Carleton University.]

Source / Rabble

The Rag Blog

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Stonewall Was a Riot : Gay Liberation and the Struggle for Social Change

The Stonewall Rebellion, June 28, 1969. Top photo © Fred McDarrah.

The Stonewall Rebellion, the fight for gay liberation and the Sixties movement for social change

By Michael Bronski / The Rag Blog / June 27, 2009
[With a response by Allen Young]

[The launching of the modern gay movement is usually associated with the Stonewall Rebellion (sometimes called the Stonewall Riots), which was sparked on a hot June night in 1969 by a police raid on the Stonewall Inn, a mafia-run bar in New York City’s Greenwich Village. That event was 40 years ago, and to mark the anniversary, many gay writers have recently been busy trying to assess the historic importance of Stonewall and the evolution of the gay movement over four decades.

As with any movement for social change, the gay movement ranges across the political spectrum. Some writers with a more radical vision of social change look back at the politics of the first post-Stonewall organization — the New York Gay Liberation Front (GLF) — and feel that GLF’s revolutionary impetus has been lost as the contemporary movement focuses on such issues as same-sex marriage and the expulsion of openly gay and lesbian people from the military.

One such writer, a veteran gay commentator on culture and politics, is Michael Bronski of Cambridge Mass., author of Culture Clash: The Making of Gay Sensibility and The Pleasure Principle: Sex, Backlash, and the Struggle for Gay Freedom and a part-time teacher at Dartmouth College in New Hampshire. The Rag Blog offers Bronski’s recent piece, originally published in The Guide, one of the few gay periodicals that has welcomed a more radical perspective.

A response to Bronski’s comment, written especially for The Rag Blog, is offered by Allen Young, who worked for three years at Liberation News Service (LNS) before becoming involved in 1970 with GLF in New York City. Young collaborated in the 1970s with lesbian GLFer Karla Jay on three anthologies, including the ground-breaking Out of the Closets: Voices of Gay Libeartion (still in print) as well as on the comprehensive survey entited The Gay Report. Bronski’s Culture Clash, noted in the previous paragraph, was in some ways an expansion of an article he wrote that was published in another of the Young-Jay anthologies, entitled Lavender Culture (also still in print). Young is also the author of Gay Sunshine Interview with Allen Ginsberg and Gays Under the Cuban Revolution. He has lived in a gay-centered community in north central Massachusetts since 1973, where he continues to be a writer and activist focusing on gay and environmental issues.]

Stonewall was a riot
By Michael Bronski
/ The Rag Blog / June 29, 2009

It was a just another hot, sticky night toward the end of June.

The streets of Greenwich Village were filled with cruising men, displaced street youth, drug dealers and random musicians trying to make a few bucks from small audiences. But when New York City’s Finest raided the Stonewall Inn in the early hours of June 28, 1969, something extraordinary happened.

Police raids on the city’s gay bars took place all the time, but that night was different. That night people fought back. They were angry. Maybe it was because gay icon Judy Garland died two days earlier, or because the heat got to everyone. Or it just might have been that gays couldn’t take it any longer. But that evening, and for the next two evenings, Christopher Street was filled with gays, as well as the neighborhood’s more motley denizens, heckling, taunting, and at times engaging in physical exchanges with the police. It was the birth of a new era of queer life. But exactly what that new era was is up for debate.

Stonewall, or rather the myth of Stonewall, has become an intrinsic part of our history. It is a milestone and touchstone of gay freedom and revolution, but it has also become a millstone weighing us down with its historical burden. Have we, as a community, given such incredible weight to Stonewall, and turned it into a sentimental story of singular self-assertion, that we have actually distorted what it actually means, or might mean? Maybe if we really understood the complexity of Stonewall — rethink it in the tangled web of late-1960s history from which it has too often been removed — we could see it for exactly what it was and better understand our relationship to it.

My own connection to Stonewall is complicated. At the time I was a 20-year-old college student across the river in Newark, New Jersey. On the big night I was probably in New York for a hamburger and a double feature of art films. The following day I heard about the first riot, but figured that it was a one-shot deal and never thought that the energy would be sustained — albeit greatly abated — over two more nights. But even then the event didn’t seem like front-page news, and nobody called it a riot; it was slightly more than a minor skirmish with the police, the sort of thing that happened all the time on the hot city streets.

Although within weeks of the event I would become very involved in the new gay liberation movement, Stonewall did not mean much to me at the time. Nor, I must say, does it mean a whole lot to me now. At Dartmouth College in this past March — where I teach courses including “Introduction to Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Transgender Studies” — I found myself spending an entire class trying to get students to attach less importance to the Stonewall riots and to see them in perspective.

It’s not so easy. Some students think Stonewall was simply the first gay pride parade with floats and an after-party. (I’m not sure why they think the word “riot” is included.) Others imagine full-scale street fighting, and once a student asked me how many gay people died at the Stonewall Inn. Their more informed classmates understand the relatively small scale of the event but presume that its reverberations were felt immediately — the high-pitched scream heard Ôround the world.

To understand Stonewall we need to place those valiant acts of street power and street theater into a larger historical perspective. The first fact I impress upon my students is that for almost 20 years before Stonewall the country saw the growth of a vibrant homophile movement. The Mattachine Society, founded by Harry Hay in 1950, was the first gay rights organization in the U.S., followed five years later by the lesbian Daughters of Bilitis, founded by Del Martin and Phyllis Lyon. The Society of Individual Rights was founded in San Francisco in 1964, and the North American Conference of Homophile Organizations came into being in 1966.

Photo from 70s Gay Liberation Front poster. Used on the jacket cover of: Martin Duberman’s, ‘Stonewall,’ 1993.

These groups completely changed the public discourse about homosexuality in the entire country. Without these homophile groups nothing that happened in 1969 and the years afterward would have been possible. In praising Stonewall, as we do now, we all too often completely erase the profoundly important work that these groups did for nearly two decades. Stonewall was, in a very real sense, both a continuation of this work as well as a radical break from it, as it brought the very idea of homosexuality from the realm of the private into the public world of the street and used anger, not reason, as its impetus.

The second thing I try to impress on my students is that without the prevalence of the Vietnam War protests, without the women’s liberation movement, without the example of the Black Panthers, the Young Lords, and the counterculture’s mantra of “sex, drugs and rock and roll,” there would have been no Stonewall riots. There would have been no gay liberation movement (at least not as it happened in 1969.) The queens — and let’s remember that they were aided by the street people in the Village, men and women we would now call homeless — rioted at Stonewall because everybody was rioting; they protested because everyone was protesting. The Stonewall riots were completely in sync with the crazy, frantic, angry, and yes, sometimes heedless political activities — including the bombings by anti-war groups like the Weather Underground, as we were reminded of so frequently during this past election — of the late 1960s.

The gay liberation movement was not made up of non-profit groups raising funds and lobbying to enact laws. It was a grassroots movement, a groundswell of women and men who had reached the breaking point. The first major gay activist group to form after Stonewall was the Gay Liberation Front — a name borrowed from the Woman’s Liberation Front, which in turn borrowed it from the Vietnamese National Liberation Front, which claimed the spirit and moniker of the Algerian National Liberation Front, which fought French domination in Northern Africa. The phrase “gay is good” was derived from “black is beautiful.” Gay power emerged naturally from black power.

It wasn’t that we were copying other movements, but that we saw ourselves as part of a broader struggle. Gay liberation was possible because the whole culture was being transformed and transfigured. Considering the enormous changes that took place as a result of these movements, it truly was the second American Revolution. There was a decisive break, and afterward things were different for gays, women, people of color, and young people. It may not look like that now — or at least not all the time — but America changed in those years, and all for the better.

But even as I write this I feel that there are details missing. While all of these connections are true — even as they are forgotten in most remembrances of Stonewall — they lack concrete details and feel like radical rhetoric. So let’s look at exactly what was going on during the five years before Stonewall that, along with the important work the homophile movement had done, set the stage for this remarkable event. As Bob Dylan sang in 1964, “The Times they are a-Changin,” and when we look back at the massive cultural and political changes that were occurring, it is impossible to imagine that Stonewall wasn’t inevitable.

In March of 1964, Cesar Chavez and the grape pickers union called for the first nationwide boycott of California grapes, while at the same time the University of California Berkeley closed its campus in response to students demanding their right to speak out against the war in Vietnam. Later that month, the Supreme Court granted married couples right to birth control. In response to an increasingly angry civil rights movement, Congress passed the Civil Rights Act in June. Even with this minor commitment to justice the next year ushered in a wave of violence.

In February of 1965, Malcolm X was assassinated, and while Congress passed the Voting Rights Act guaranteeing federal protection for voter registration, August saw the first truly serious race riots in Los Angeles in which almost 1,000 buildings in the Watts neighborhood were looted, burned or destroyed. As if the world wasn’t mad enough, Harvard professor Timothy Leary urged Americans to “turn on, tune in, drop out” — the drug revolution hit the streets.

In 1966, race riots destroyed large sections of Chicago and three African-American teenagers were killed by National Guard troops. Things only got worse in 1967 as full-scale riots in Detroit and Newark, as well as serious conflicts in 33 other cities, left 66 people dead and 10,000 more homeless. Antiwar protests escalated as the U.S. sent nearly half a million soldiers to Vietnam, many of them African-American men from the inner cities. On the domestic front, CBS ran a groundbreaking news show called “The Homosexuals,” which was the first time self-identified gays talked about their lives on television. In November, the Oscar Wilde Bookshop opened on Mercer Street in Greenwich Village — the first gay bookstore in the world.

In April of 1968, the assassination of Martin Luther King led to riots across the country that left 39 people dead and thousands of others hurt. Robert Kennedy was assassinated two months later. In the midst of this gays become more visible when Mart Crowley’s groundbreaking play The Boys in the Band opened on Broadway. Women’s liberation became increasingly visible when feminists staged a mass demonstration at the Miss America pageant in September. In the midst of this upheaval it made perfect sense that a frightened America would elect Republican Richard Nixon to the presidency that November.

It was really only a matter of time before gays got angry enough to start fighting back. Beginning in March of 1969, the New York Police Department stepped up its periodic raids on gay bars; the June 28 raid on the Stonewall Inn was simply business as usual. After three nights of unrest women and men began to organize and weeks later the formation of the Gay Liberation Front was announced. The group was a direct, and important, result of the Stonewall riots.

But Stonewall was not the end of this national narrative, just a small moment in time. Two months after the birth of the Gay Liberation Front, Students for a Democratic Society staged its largest national demonstrations. National protests against the war in Vietnam increased and in November an unprecedented quarter million people marched on the Pentagon. Although inconceivable a decade earlier, American society was in full-throttle revolt against racism, oppression of women, sexual repression and the deadly foreign policies that were destroying lives in the U.S. and abroad. Is it any surprise that by the middle of 1970 there were already more than 300 independent chapters of the Gay Liberation Front across the country? It wasn’t just that gay liberation was an idea whose time was ripe, but rather that in this context of multiple fights for massive social change it was an idea that was inevitable.

What was incredible about the Gay Liberation Front, and what is so sorely missing from our gay rights movements now, is that it saw itself as a multi-issue radical movement.

It was as concerned with ending wars abroad, fighting racism and securing reproductive freedom for women as it was with fighting homophobia. Members of the Gay Liberation Front also understood that they needed, pragmatically and philosophically, to work in coalition with other movements.

For me, as a young queer who had already been working with Students for a Democratic Society and had been involved in civil rights and women’s rights issues, gay liberation was a revelation that brought together all my political and emotional concerns.

The vision of the Gay Liberation Front linked freedom for gays to the freedom of all other oppressed groups. It is a vision that neither the homophile groups that preceded it nor the gay rights groups that followed understood or embraced. It is a lesson the gay rights movement just might be learning now.

The importance of Stonewall resides not in a sentimental vision of it as a sort of community coming-out story but in its unique place in the panoply of movements, events, riots, demonstrations, political actions, social revolts, bad behaviors, and bursts of anger that defined the second half of the 1960s. By all means, let’s celebrate the 40th anniversary of Stonewall this month but let’s also remember that it is not just about gay equality; it is about the broadest vision of social change and social justice the U.S. has experienced in our lifetimes.

[Michael Bronski is the author of “Culture Clash: The Making of Gay Sensibility” and T”he Pleasure Principle: Sex, Backlash, and the Struggle for Gay Freedom.” He writes frequently on sex, books, movies, and culture. His ” A Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender History of the United States” is being published by Beacon Press next Fall. He lives in Cambridge, Massachusetts.and is a Senior Lecturer at Dartmouth College.]

The Stonewall Inn. Photo by Larry Morris / NYT.

A Response to Michael Bronski
By Allen Young
/ The Rag Blog / June 27, 2009

Michael Bronski’s article, in part a tribute to the early post-Stonewall movement, in particular the Gay Liberation Front (GLF), is greatly appreciated by those of us who were involved as activists during those amazing times — generally viewed as 1969-71.

The article is correct in describing the GLF politics as radical, and as linked to other social justice movements of the times, but I believe Bronski is incorrect in suggesting that gay liberation has disappeared and been replaced by something excessively mainstream.

One longtime gay activist, agreeing with the thrust of the Bronski article, sent out this email to friends and acquaintances: “The demand, the agenda, has shriveled from real change — whether you call it revolution, liberation, freedom — to nothing much more than the status quo wreathed in lavender. Now everything is besotted with ‘equality’ and there’s a downside: Equality won’t get single payer health care, for one. It only brings more of the same and it limits the vision. The dreams are smaller now, way smaller… How did the gay movement morph into the Rotary Club in a few decades?”

A lesbian who has been active since those days wrote: “The article [by Bronski] was worth reading. But the question is, short of a revolution supported by the majority of Americans, how could the various groups have realized their vision? We devolved into a scattering of non-profit groups precisely because there was no revolution.”

My position is that I do not share the very negative and pessimistic evaluation of the changes in gay politics that have taken place in the 40 years since the founding of GLF. The current movement is much more than the black-tie parties of the Human Rights Campaign (HRC) — which I have never attended and have no desire to attend — and does not resemble the Rotary Club. (The Rotary Club in my small-town community, by the way, does a lot of very good work and I have some friends who are in it.)

I feel there’s a lot of progress involving GLBT individuals and organizations going on, throughout the nation and the world, and we can be proud of our original efforts that have merely evolved into something different. I am much more inclined to celebrate, not piss and moan about how gay liberation is dead. It is, in my view, very much alive and well, thankfully without the wrong-headed and ultimately futile “radical” voice that Michael Bronski misses so much. I remember chanting in 1970, “Go left, go gay, go pick up the gun,” imitating a Black Panther chant of that time. How ridiculous, even shameful! The gay movement today makes progress without the language or the political analysis of the 1960s, and I am glad about that.

Sure, some important and wonderful aspects of early gay liberation have been lost or diminished in importance, but they’re still floating around and I am confident that the best and most important of these will have their day.

There are a few factual mistakes in Bronski’s article, but I don’t see any point in nit-picking. However, on the pre-Stonewall gay or homophile movement, I feel Bronski makes a major error. Now, I totally respect these earlier pioneers. They were brave and they brought a positive message about homosexuals to the world as best they could at the time. We GLFers were, back in the day, not sufficiently aware of their accomplishments, and sometimes were disrespectful, and I have apologized about that personally to Jim Kepner, Billy Glover, Frank Kameny, Barbara Gittings and others whom I have met. However, the suggestion made by Bronski that “these groups completely changed the public discourse about homosexuality in the entire country” is patently absurd, an exaggeration that cannot be sustained by facts. The truth is that these groups had minimal impact in a few big cities, and almost no impact elsewhere.

GLF introduced something of much more psychological and political importance than the “anger” that Bronski focuses on. For us, the key was “coming out of the closet.” We were relentless in that message. Our memorable positive chant, “Out of the closets and into the streets!” is one that we used a lot. Marching in the streets while provocatively chanting was something that the old homophile movement did not do and wasn’t particularly comfortable with. In the 40 years since Stonewall, the end of fear and secrecy for millions of GLBT individuals is our biggest victory. Several gay liberationists have helped me better define what we did and what we should be remembered for most. A Minnesota activist wrote: “One of the distinguishing characteristics of the early gay liberation movement is that we were made up of a group of people who had managed to escape the fetters of the societally imposed regime of fear.” Another added that we successfully defied “that regime of fear and — together in an outspoken mass –were able to name it for its injustice, violence and false defamation of our lives.”

Stonewall and GLF changed the impact of gay activism from minimal to substantial. That was done initially with the help of the new gay periodicals such as Come Out! in New York and Gay Sunshine in San Francisco and the newly out yet experienced staffers of the counterculture “underground press” linked to the anti-war and anti-racist movements of the Sixties.

Our impact grew to something beyond substantial to monumental with the emergence of professional organizations like Human Rights Campaign (HRC) and the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force (NGLTF), Gay and Lesbian Advocates and Defenders (GLAD) and Lambda Legal, Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation (GLAAD), Gay, Lesbian and Straight Education Network (GLSEN), with the advent of modern gay literature, gay and straight Americans’ response to the tragedies of AIDS and Matthew Shepard, the coming out of Ellen DeGeneres and other mass media advances, the partially successful campaign for gay marriage, and on and on.

Gay liberation is not dead. Many millions of Americans, gay and straight, have dreams that are not at all “small.” Many gay people — people touched by the message of early gay liberation — are helping to create and promote those larger dreams — in government jobs , the nonprofit world including schools and colleges, international NGOs, and in political organizations working on health care, workers rights, environmental issues, animal welfare, immigration issues, and much more.

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The Foundation of the US: God and Guns?

I didn’t exactly come away from my studies of early American history believing that God and guns were founding principles. It’s a fair perversion of those principles that this fellow exhibits. And I’d bet he has thousands (or millions?) who buy it. God and guns – mmmm ….

Richard Jehn / The Rag Blog

Ken Pagano, the pastor at New Bethel Church, prepared to try a Heckler & Koch MP5 submachine gun at a shooting range. Photo: Jim Winn/New York Times.

Pastor Urges His Flock to Bring Guns to Church
By Katharine Q. Seelye / June 25, 2009

LOUISVILLE, Ky. — Ken Pagano, the pastor of the New Bethel Church here, is passionate about gun rights. He shoots regularly at the local firing range, and his sermon two weeks ago was on “God, Guns, Gospel and Geometry.” And on Saturday night, he is inviting his congregation of 150 and others to wear or carry their firearms into the sanctuary to “celebrate our rights as Americans!” as a promotional flier for the “open carry celebration” puts it.

“God and guns were part of the foundation of this country,” Mr. Pagano, 49, said Wednesday in the small brick Assembly of God church, where a large wooden cross hung over the altar and two American flags jutted from side walls. “I don’t see any contradiction in this. Not every Christian denomination is pacifist.”

The bring-your-gun-to-church day, which will include a $1 raffle of a handgun, firearms safety lessons and a picnic, is another sign that the gun culture in the United States is thriving despite, or perhaps because of, President Obama’s election in November.

Last year, the National Rifle Association ran a multimillion-dollar advertising campaign against Mr. Obama, stoking fears that he would be the most antigun president in history and that firearms would be confiscated. One worry was that a Democratic president and Congress would reinstitute the assault-weapons ban, which expired in 2004.

But there is little support for the ban. Mr. Obama and his party have largely ignored gun-control issues, and the president even signed a measure that will allow firearms in national parks.

Still, the fear remains that Mr. Obama, and his attorney general, Eric H. Holder Jr., will crack down on guns sooner or later. That — along with the faltering economy, which gun sellers say has spurred purchases for self-defense — has fueled a record surge in gun sales.

“Every president wants to be re-elected, and gun bans are pretty much a nonstarter for getting re-elected,” said Win Underwood, owner of the Bluegrass Indoor Range here. “What I suspect is going to happen is, Obama’s going to cool his jets until he can get re-elected, and then he’ll start building his legacy in these hot-button areas.”

When Mr. Obama was elected in November, federal instant background checks, the best indicator of gun sales, jumped 42 percent over the previous November. Every month since then, the number of checks has been higher than the year before, although the postelection surge may be tapering off, as all surges eventually do. While the number of checks in April increased 30 percent from the year before, the number of checks in May (1,023,102) was only 15 percent higher than in May 2008.

The National Rifle Association says its membership is up 30 percent since November. And several states have recently passed laws allowing gun owners to carry firearms in more places — bars, restaurants, cars and parks.

“We have a very active agenda in all 50 states,” said Chris W. Cox, legislative director of the N.R.A., widely considered the country’s most powerful lobby. “We have right-to-carry laws in over 40 states; 20 years ago, it was in just six.”

Of the 40 states with right-to-carry laws, 20 allow guns in churches.

Public attitudes also seem to be turning more sympathetic to gun owners. In April, the Pew Research Center found for the first time that almost as many people said it was more important to protect the rights of gun owners (45 percent) than to control gun ownership (49 percent). Just a year ago, Pew said, 58 percent said gun control was more important than the rights of gun owners (37 percent).

Gun-control advocates say they feel increasingly ineffective, especially after a recent spate of high-profile shootings, including last month’s murder, inside a church in Kansas, of a doctor who performed late-term abortions.

“We’ve definitely been marginalized,” said Pam Gersh, a public relations consultant here who helped organize a rally in Louisville in 2000, to coincide with the Million Mom March against guns in Washington.

“The Brady Campaign and other similar organizations who advocate sensible gun responsibility laws don’t have the money and the political power — not even close,” she said. “This pastor is obviously crossing a line here and saying ‘I can even take my guns to church, and there is nothing you can do about it.’ ”

Ms. Gersh said she was not aware that a group of local churches and peace activists were staging a counterpicnic — called “Bring your peaceful heart, leave your gun at home” — at the same time as Mr. Pagano’s event.

But news media attention — some from overseas — has focused on Mr. Pagano, who has been planning the event for a year, in celebration of the Fourth of July. Cameras will not be allowed in the church, he said, to protect the congregation’s privacy.

The celebration will feature lessons in responsible gun ownership, Mr. Pagano said. Sheriff’s deputies will be at the doors to check that openly carried firearms are unloaded, but they will not check for concealed weapons.

“That’s the whole point of concealed,” Mr. Pagano said, adding that he was not worried because such owners require training.

Mr. Pagano said the church’s insurance company, which he would not identify, had canceled the church’s policy for the day on Saturday and told him that it would cancel the policy for good at the end of the year. If he cannot find insurance for Saturday, people will not be allowed in openly carrying their guns.

Arkansas and Georgia recently rejected efforts to allow people to carry concealed weapons in church. Watching the debate in Arkansas was John Phillips, pastor of the Central Church of Christ in Little Rock. In 1986, Mr. Phillips was preaching in a different church there when a gunman shot him and a parishioner. Both survived, but Mr. Phillips, 51, still has a bullet lodged in his spine.

In a telephone interview, he said he found the idea of “packing in the pew” abhorrent.

“There is a movement afoot across the nation, with the gun lobby pushing the envelope, trying to allow concealed weapons to be carried in places where they used to be prohibited — churches, schools, bars,” Mr. Phillips said.

“I don’t understand how any minister who is familiar with the teachings of the Bible can do this,” he added. “Jesus didn’t say, ‘Go ahead, make my day.’ ”

Mr. Pagano takes such comments as a challenge to his faith and says they make him more determined.

“When someone from within the church tells me that being a Christian and having firearms are contradictions, that they’re incompatible with the Gospel — baloney,” he said. “As soon as you start saying that it’s not something that Christians do, well, guns are just the foil. The issue now is the Gospel. So in a sense, it does become a crusade. Now the Gospel is at stake.”

Source / New York Times

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Where’s Waldo? Play ‘Find That Health Care Lobbyist!’

NPR has started to identify individuals and publish how much cash they have thrown at elected officials to maintain the status quo for private health care insurance companies…

By Larry Ray / The Rag Blog / June 26, 2009

National Public Radio has done an amazingly creative bit of public journalism. They turned their cameras around and pictured, instead of the Congressional committee, the assemblage of lobbyists sitting before them. Now NPR has started to identify individuals and publish how much cash they have thrown at elected officials to maintain the status quo for private health care insurance companies and affiliated companies profiting handsomely from the present broken health care system.

Below is the story from the NPR web site, and a link to the site where you can visit the interactive photo which has icons above heads of lobbyists identified so far. Mouse over the icon and learn who they are, what companies they represent and how much money they are spending on lobbying to weaken or even kill a universal health care program. Typical of those identified include, Kate Leeson of Holland & Knight. The firm’s 2008 lobbying income from health care clients: $2.3 million. The list grows as readers help identify individuals in the photo.

Turning The Camera Around: Health Care Stakeholders

When 22 senators started working over the first health care overhaul bill on June 17, the news cameras were pointed at them — except for NPR’s photographer, who turned his lens on the lobbyists. Whatever bill emerges from Congress will affect one-sixth of the economy, and stakeholders have mobilized. We’ve begun to identify some of the faces in the hearing room, and we want to keep the process going. Know someone in these photos? Let us know who that someone is — NPR STORY AND PHOTO

[Retired journalist Larry Ray is a Texas native and former Austin television news anchor. He also posts at The iHandbill.]

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Juan Cole : Michael Jackson, Islam and the Middle East

Michael Jackson. Photo from Getty Images.

Michael Jackson was deeply hurt and humiliated by the experience [of his 2005 trial], and his withdrawal to Bahrain and search for a different tradition of spirituality may well have come out of that abasement.

By Juan Cole / June 26, 2009

See related videos, Below.

Michael Jackson’s sad death at age 50 has provoked an outpouring of emotion around the whole world. Because of globalization, it is an event that affects fans in Asia and the Middle East, as well. In early 2007, his brother Jermaine, a Muslim, announced that Michael would embrace that religion. In November of 2008, just months before his death press reports said that Michael Jackson had formally converted to Islam.

Jackson was a man of multiple identities, which helped account for his enormous worldwide popularity. It seems clear that he was deeply traumatized by his rough show business childhood, and that things happened to him to arrest his development. Just as a stem cell can grow into any organ, Michael’s eternal boyishness made him a chameleon. Increasingly androgynous, he expressed both male and female. A boy and yet a father, he was both child and adult. In part because of his vitiligo, he interrogated his blackness and became, like some other powerful and wealthy African-Americans of his generation, racially ambiguous. Toward the end of his life he bridged his family’s Jehovah’s Witness brand of Christianity with a profound interest in Islam. He was all things to all people in part precisely because of his Peter Pan syndrome. A child can grow up to become anything, after all.

Jermaine Jackson explained that it was the experience of touring the Gulf that brought family members into contact with Islam. Interestingly, he found that Islam resolved some dilemmas he had about Jehovah’s Witness beliefs. Just as Malcolm X had been converted by his pilgrimage to Mecca from a narrow sectarian folk religion in America to Sunni anti-racist universalism, so Jermaine took a similar path.

We can only speculate about the attractions for Michael Jackson of Islam, but likely his 2005 trial in which he was acquitted of all charges was implicated in his desire for a change. The court psychiatrist confirmed his psychological innocence, saying he had been arrested at the stage of a 10 year old. Michael Jackson was deeply hurt and humiliated by the experience, and his withdrawal to Bahrain and search for a different tradition of spirituality may well have come out of that abasement.

Those who lived through the 80s will never forget the Michael of “Thriller” and other breakthrough videos.

But it seems to me that the iconic later Jackson is “Black or White,” which powerfully makes the points above about the fluidity of identity in a globalized world, and underlines the common humanity of us all, something that the eternal boy could see through the ravages of hurt that clouded his never-ending childhood. Young children don’t know about racial or religious prejudice. The great tragedy of Michael Jackson is that his childlike withdrawal from reality may have left him more vulnerable to himself and others, and never protected him from bigotry or, other human realities. After all, children shouldn’t die.

Here are the lyrics of “Black or White”:

Jackson is still enormously popular in the Middle East. Here is a Gulf tribute to the King of Pop. Given the stereotyping of Gulf Arabs as medieval and fanatical, and given the hurtful prejudice against their very form of clothing in the West, it is only right that they should have the last word here on Michael Jackson’s universal appeal:

Source / Informed Comment

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Mark Sanford : GOP in Trouble, Pants-Down

South Carolina Gov. Mark Sanford takes the oath of office for a second term in 2007 with his wife, Jenny, and sons (from left) Marshall III, Landon, Bolton and Blake. Lessee, that’s two oaths down and counting. Photo by Mary Ann Chastain / AP.

Sanford’s admission of the affair this week… was the stuff of nightmares for Republican Party leaders.

By Carla Marinucci / June 26, 2009

See Rush Limbaugh Video Below.

The GOP has gone through some rough political patches, but thanks to the tabloid-style love tango between high-profile South Carolina Gov. Mark Sanford and his mysterious Argentine mistress, the party and its prospects for 2010 and beyond are looking colder than a Patagonian winter.

Sanford’s admission of the affair this week — he told staffers he was taking an extended hike on the Appalachian Trail but later was caught stepping off a plane from Buenos Aires — was the stuff of nightmares for Republican Party leaders.

Once considered on the short list for a 2012 presidential bid, Sanford instead became the target of late-night comedians for going missing from his state job and being unfaithful to his wife.

His amorous adventure leaves the GOP’s top leadership bench for next year’s congressional elections and the 2012 presidential contest looking decidedly empty. It comes on the heels of problems involving some of its aspiring stars, with questions of hypocrisy swirling over a party that holds up moral values and the sanctity of marriage.

Parade of Sex Stories

Last week, Nevada Sen. John Ensign, chairman of the Republican Policy Committee, admitted to an affair with a former staffer. That followed a parade of headlines about other conservative GOP legislators in recent years: Idaho Sen. Larry Craig, caught soliciting sex from a man in a public restroom; and junior Louisiana Sen. David Vitter, considered one of the GOP’s hopes for 2010, who turned up on the client list of the notorious “D.C. Madam.”

In addition, Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin, last year’s GOP vice presidential candidate and still a favorite of conservatives, has been hurt by news about her daughter, an unwed mother, as well as by alleged ethics violations and questions about her public relations judgment after laying into late-night TV host David Letterman for his jokes about her.

Sanford’s spectacular meltdown over infidelity — the second such scandal in two weeks with a major party figure – underscores the pressing need for new faces and leaders to take the Republican Party into the future, some political activists say.

“The party is at a real crossroads and needs to figure out who the voices of the future are,” said Mindy Tucker Fletcher, spokeswoman for the 2000 presidential campaign of George W. Bush, “and let them run, let them speak and promote them. There are growing pains. The key word is ‘pain.’ “

Give women a chance

Andrea Dew Steele, founder and president of Emerge America, a national organization based in San Francisco that trains Democratic women to run for office, agreed that the Sanford scandal poses a challenge that applies to both political parties. “Let’s see if we can elect more women to office,” she said, “and give them a chance to see if they can do better in power.”

Republicans said their party hardly has a lock on sex-related stories like Sanford’s: Former presidential candidate and North Carolina Sen. John Edwards, former New York Gov. Eliot Spitzer and former President Bill Clinton also were the stuff of tabloid legend for infidelities and, in Spitzer’s case, illegal transactions with a young prostitute.

Still, GOP members were furious with the South Carolina governor, not only for his particularly wacky behavior that included deserting four children on Father’s Day weekend to meet up with his paramour but also going MIA from his job.

Equally galling was his timing — the Sanford scandal exploding just as Republicans were gaining ground in the polls on President Obama and the Democrats on issues like the size of the federal deficit and concerns over Obama’s health care policy.

“I am mad enough to swallow a horned toad backward,” GOP strategist Patrick Dorinson of Sacramento wrote on Politico.com. “In my mind he is… a pitiful excuse for a real man. He not only has feet of clay, he has a spine of one as well.”

While Sanford’s aides suggested that he would hang tough and not resign, many party activists took to the airwaves to urge him to give up – and go away.

‘Hang it up’

“I suggest he get out of office right now and let us be done with this whole sordid affair,” GOP strategist Trent Duffy told MSNBC. “Some of these people who have lost the public trust need to hang it up…This is a bad day for Republicans. Our party does need fresh faces. Maybe we can get a community organizer who can come out of nowhere and become the president of the United States.”

Tucker Fletcher, a leading endorser of California GOP gubernatorial candidate Meg Whitman, said female candidates could be the answer. She argued that the former eBay CEO’s effort to get elected in California shows how the GOP can put those concerns into action — and take the call for change seriously.

“I’m optimistic that it will get better,” Tucker Fletcher said, “but we keep going back to the scenario of women and blacks and people we want to join our party. We have to give them a reason to. We have to resonate with a bigger cross-section of people.”

Source / SFGate

Thanks to BuzzFlash / The Rag Blog

Rush blames Obama for Sanford affair!

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