Kate Braun : Lammas Celebrates the First Harvest

Celebrating Lammas. Image © flaming crones.

Thanksgiving, sacrifice, and celebration…
Lammas is a fire festival of the First Harvest

By Kate Braun / The Rag Blog / July 26, 2010

“If a body meet a body comin’ through the rye…”

Saturday, July 31, 2010, is a good day to celebrate Lammas, a fire festival also known as First Harvest, Harvest Home, and Lughnasadh. This celebration centers energies on the themes of thanksgiving, sacrifice, and celebration. We give thanks for the good things in our lives and the food Mother Earth has provided for us; we sacrifice the first harvest of grain with the goal of strengthening the land, which promotes fertility and a bountiful harvest in the future; we celebrate the harvest with gusto, recognizing that it feeds our souls as well as our bodies.

Choose among your preferred shades of red, gold, orange, yellow, bronze, citrine, gray, and green, and incorporate your choice of sickles, scythes, corn dollies, sun-wheels, breads, and fresh fruits and veggies in your decorations. If possible, celebrate outdoors and build a fire. Remember that fire-pits, cauldrons, and outdoor barbecue grills will generate positive fire-energy just as well as a bonfire.

Bread and all dishes whose primary ingredient is grain should be the focus of your menu. Granola, pasta and rice salads, tabooli, and cornbread are but a few examples. Berry pies, locally grown seasonal produce, roast lamb, fruit wine, and ale all provide a tasty compliment for your enjoyment.

You and your guests may enjoy playing outdoor games of strength, or you may prefer to tell and retell the stories of various grain goddesses (Ceres is but one suggestion); but whatever activities you choose to pursue, be sure to include time for each guest to give thanks at the beginning and end of your celebration for whatever each considers deserves thanks.

Another useful activity is to write down on a piece of paper things you regret doing or thinking or saying during the past 12 months (you may draw a symbol that represents them if you prefer) and burn that paper in the ceremonial fire. This activity represents not only acknowledging where you got off track and could do better, but it also releases that energy, opening you to positive improvements during the next 12 months. Remember that the first step toward improvement is recognizing that there is room for improvement.

Share the leftover food with your guests. If you have made this a pot-luck gathering, be sure that each guest takes home some of someone else’s donation, not just their own. By sharing in this way, you are creating more energy for positive growth in the future.

[Kate Braun’s website is www.tarotbykatebraun.com. She can be reached at kate_braun2000@yahoo.com. Kate will be participating in a Metaphysical Fair on Saturday and Sunday, August 14-15, 2010, at the Holiday Inn (formerly the Radisson) at 6000 Middle Fiskville Rd. in Austin (between Highland Mall and Lincoln Village).]

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Jack A. Smith : Israel and Palestine After the Flotilla / 4

The two wild cards. Iran’s Parliament Speaker Ali Larijani shown with Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan in 2009. Photo by Amir Kholoosi / ISNA.

Part 4: Two wild cards, Turkey and Iran
Israel and Palestine after the Flotilla

By Jack A. Smith / The Rag Blog / July 18, 2010

[This is the last in a four-part series in which Jack A. Smith assesses multiple aspects of the situation in Palestine, including the relations between Israel and the U.S., Israel and the Palestine National Authority, the Palestinian split between Fatah and Hamas, the action and inaction of the Arab states, the new role of Turkey, the key importance of Iran, and the future of Washington’s hegemony in the Middle East.]

There are two wild cards in the region — neither of which are Arab — that are capable of complicating the U.S.-Israeli game in the Middle East.

One is Turkey, the militarily strong, largely Westernized, secular democratic republic of nearly 78 million people, with a large Sunni Muslim population. The other is Iran, a largely modernized Islamic republic of just over 67 million people, mostly Shi’ite Muslims. Both are mature societies that have at one time controlled empires — Ottoman and Persian respectively. Both are strategically situated: Turkey between Europe and Asia, Iran between Central Asia and the Middle East.

Turkey, a NATO member and long time close ally of Israel and the United States, had kept to itself for many years. Then in early 2009 the Ankara government of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan abruptly stormed onto the regional stage when Turkey sharply condemned Israel’s calculatedly cruel invasion of Gaza.

A few months ago Turkey unexpectedly strode onto the international stage along with partner Brazil, announcing that they had obtained a nuclear fuel swap agreement with Iran that obviated the need for additional U.S.-UN sanctions. They believed, evidently correctly, that they had President Obama’s backing for this independent mission. But when they brought back a deal that was virtually identical to what Obama originally sought, the White House backed off and treated the unofficial intermediaries like unwelcome busybodies.

In our view, what the Obama-Netanyahu cohort really wanted was intensified sanctions, not a nuclear agreement that would remove the pretext for demonizing Iran, probably in preparation for near-future aggression.

Last month — after Israeli commandos cut down nine Turkish members of the humanitarian flotilla — relations between Tel-Aviv and Ankara deteriorated further, and a furious Erdogan withdrew Turkey’s ambassador but did not break diplomatic ties. He called on Israel to apologize for the killings and pay compensation to the nine families involved, but Tel-Aviv has refused, claiming the commandoes were defending themselves.

Erdogan announced that “If the entire world has turned its back on the Palestinians, Turkey will never turn its back on Jerusalem and the Palestinians,” and took some modest steps such as banning Israeli military aircraft from its airspace.

An interview with Prime Minister Erdogan was aired June 29 on the PBS Charlie Rose program. He called Netanyahu “the biggest barrier to peace,” an obvious truth about which the Obama Administration must be abundantly aware, though publicly silent. Most important, Erdogan also added that Turkey remained “a friend to Israel,” but Ankara soon announced that it would break diplomatic relations with Israel unless Tel-Aviv apologized for the flotilla killings or accepted the conclusion of an international inquiry.

The next day, Foreign Minister Davutoglu met secretly in Zurich with Israeli Trade and Labor Minister Binyamin Ben-Eliezer to discuss reducing tensions. Notice of the meeting was leaked by an Israeli TV station. There was no report about the outcome of the conference. Recognizing that he was intentionally kept in the dark by Netanyahu about this important event where he logically should have presided, Foreign Minister Lieberman publicly excoriated his boss for excluding him.

Netanyahu is under pressure from Washington to seek a reconciliation with Erdogan in order to keep strategic Turkey in Washington’s political enclosure. Loud mouth Lieberman probably would have exacerbated tensions had he met with Davutoglu. Netanyahu needs Lieberman’s Yisrael Beiteinu party in his coalition to remain in office, which is the only reason such a hothead became Foreign Minister. Discussing the latest contretemps, the Jerusalem Post opined July 1 that “it is yet another indicator that Israeli diplomatic policy is dysfunctional.”

At this point, no one really knows the extent of Ankara’s geopolitical ambitions, which may determine how far Turkey will distance itself from Israel, and perhaps the U.S. as well. There’s certainly a lack of dynamic leadership in the Middle East that Turkey, which seems to have good relations with all the Muslim countries, might seek to provide.

If Turkey confines itself to supporting the Palestinians and criticizing Israel, that will have an important regional impact — perhaps sufficient to galvanize the Arab countries to take more action on Gaza’s behalf, to give Tel-Aviv pause, and to induce Washington to finally get serious about ending the colonial status of the Palestinian people.

And if Turkey seeks a larger role in regional affairs beyond the Palestinian issue, perhaps in league with a couple of other regional players, this could possibly alter the balance of power in the Middle East, which is now tilted steeply toward the Washington/Tel-Aviv axis.

And where does the other wild card, Iran, fit into this scenario? Various commentators have speculated that the Islamic republic seeks to dominate the Middle East or that it wants to impose Shi’ite beliefs throughout the region, or that it seeks to destroy Israel, among other absurd speculations.

Any objective appraisal of the conditions confronting Teheran today would show that its first priority and nearly total preoccupation is national security, and its military strategy is defensive, not offensive, as Washington and Tel-Aviv are well aware. Consider this:

  • According to news reports, an armada of 11 U.S. Navy warships and one Israeli ship, led by the USS Harry Truman aircraft carrier and its Strike Group of 60 fighter-bombers, passed through the Suez Canal June 18 heading for the Persian Gulf, where they will join other ships positioned near Iran. Navy battle fleets with Cruise and Tomahawk missiles and air wings roam the Arabian Sea, Mediterranean Sea, Gulf of Oman, and Indian Ocean, as well as the Persian Gulf.
  • The immense U.S. base of Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean is being stocked for possible war against Iran, including nearly 400 so-called bunker-busters for deep ground penetration.
  • The U.S. Air Force is at the ready to quickly thrash Iran when the signal is given.
  • Israel is continually threatening to attack Iran.
  • The American military machine is camped on Iran’s western border (Iraq), and on its eastern border (Afghanistan). The Pentagon’s Special Forces troops have been probing Iran from both directions, looking for vulnerabilities, and getting the lay of the land.
  • For several years during the Bush Administration, news analysts were predicting an imminent attack by the U.S. It didn’t occur, probably because of the quagmire leading to a military stalemate in Iraq. But Teheran knows it likely faces a greater danger today than during the Bush years.
  • Iran is under 24-hour surveillance from U.S. satellite spying and eavesdropping technologies throughout the country that can “see” every part of the country and “hear” every phone conversation, not to mention spies on the ground.
  • Iran has been laboring under ever-tightening U.S. economic and trade sanctions for several decades after the Islamic revolution dispatched Washington’s puppet potentate in Teheran, the dreaded Shah.
  • Iran’s big power friends, Russia and China, just joined the U.S. in imposing the latest UN sanctions, after diluting them (but knowing Washington would add additional sanctions of its own to compensate). This shocked and worried Teheran, though both countries are still considered allies and are not expected to abandon Iran.
  • For the last decade — at least — Washington has been providing material support and encouragement to the anti-regime dissident movement, and the Obama government is no doubt continuing the practice.
  • Washington is trying to create an anti-Iranian coalition composed of several Sunni Arab states, exacerbating ethnic and religious tensions in order to better divide and conquer.
  • America’s medium and long range missiles, with both conventional and nuclear warheads, are on the alert — patiently awaiting the signal.

For its part, Teheran is continuing to support the Hezbollah Shi’ites in Lebanon and Sunni Hamas in Gaza. Hezbollah — a political movement that leads the second largest electoral coalition in Lebanon — criticizes Tel-Aviv as colonialist but its guerrilla defenders usually fight against Israel when it invades Lebanon. Hezbollah fighters were largely responsible for Israel’s decision to withdraw its military forces in May 2000 after a nearly two-decade occupation of Lebanon, and for a second humiliation of the IDF when it returned in 2006 with guns ablaze.

Hamas is a political organization dedicated to liberating the Palestinian people from colonial domination. It is without heavy weapons, tanks, or planes to employ in its liberation struggle against the IDF so it propelled relatively primitive unguided rockets into Israel and killed up to 10 civilians over the last several years. Israel, of course, killed many thousands of Palestinians during that time.

The U.S. and Israel identify both groups as “terrorist” and Iran as “terrorist” for supporting them. In the opinion of many leftists and numbers of people in the developing (third) world, they are resistance fighters against colonial and imperialist oppression.

The government of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad denies building nuclear weapons and declares its efforts are directed at producing energy for peaceful purposes, not bombs. Even with all the spy techniques at Washington’s command, there is still no evidence to convict Iran on this charge. Yet Israel — which is said to possess some 200 nuclear weapons in defiance of the NPT — poses as Iran’s intended victim. Iran has not engaged in an aggressive war since the first half of the 1800s (a short-lived incursion over the Afghan border), and is absolutely in no position to do so now.

Neither the U.S. nor Israel is actually worried that Iran will in effect commit national suicide by preparing to attack, or actually attacking, the Jewish State — thus triggering a preemptive offensive or instant mass retaliation from Tel-Aviv, with the U.S. near at hand to help out.

There are two other regional concerns for the U.S. and Israel to think about over the longer term:

  • One is the possibility Shi’ite Iran and majority Shi’ite Iraq eventually may bloc together in one type of close relationship or another several years hence. They share a number of interests in addition to their compatible branch of Islam — a minority often held down in Sunni-dominated lands. They both want to be independent of U.S. threats and violence and may conclude that unity enhances their defenses.

    As a team they could more profitably exploit their extraordinarily huge petroleum reserves. And they are both concerned about the Kurdish independence movement, among other factors. Washington will do its best to keep Baghdad and Teheran apart. It plans to retain considerable influence in Iraq after most of America’s foreign legion departs for other battlefields, but the era of puppet governments and colonial masters, despite remnants here and there, is fading into history.

  • The other, perhaps even more nettlesome long term concern for Uncle Sam, is the possibility Iran might bloc with Turkey and Syria to oppose U.S. domination of the Middle East. If Iraq joined in, the four countries would stretch some 2,200 miles from the Dardanelles in the Mediterranean to the Arabian Sea. This might even induce Egypt to get moving again. It’s a long shot, of course, but a potential game changer in the Arab world — which is due for a change.

The Middle East often looks static, with the Americans ruling the roost, but that’s deceptive. No one knows what is going to happen in the next couple of decades with any of the many possibilities for change that are swirling around the Middle East today, particularly as other world nations rise while the U.S. engages in what appears to be the start of a long decline.

Those bold volunteers who took part in the recent humanitarian flotilla have through their deeds obliged Israel to weaken the blockade of Gaza. That’s an important change. And their efforts focused a bright light on the misdeeds perpetrated upon the Palestinians by Israel and its superpower enabler.

That’s a good start toward further change, and may become a transitional moment that in time results not only in fruitful outcomes for the oppressed Palestinian people, but also for the entire region.

[Jack A. Smith was editor of the Guardian — for decades the nation’s preeminent leftist newsweekly — that closed shop in 1992. Smith now edits the Hudson Valley Activist Newsletter, where this series also appears.

  • For the entire series, go here.

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Harvey Wasserman : Why Stewart Brand is Wrong on Nukes

Image from Greenopolis.

Reinventing the Brand:
Whole Earth icon is
Dead wrong on nukes


By Harvey Wasserman / The Rag Blog / July 25, 2010

Stewart Brand has become a poster boy for a “nuclear renaissance” that has just suffered a quiet but stunning defeat. Despite $645 million spent in lobbying over the past decade, the reactor industry has thus far failed to gouge out major new taxpayer funding for new commercial reactors.

In an exceedingly complex series of twists and turns, no legislation now pending in Congress contains firm commitments to the tens of billions reactor builders have been demanding. They could still come by the end of the session. But the radioactive cake walk many expected the industry to take through the budget process has thus far failed to happen.

The full story is excruciatingly complicated. But the core reasons are simple: atomic power can’t compete, and makes global warming worse

In support of this failed 20th Century technology, the industry has enlisted a 20th Century retro-hero, Stewart Brand. Back in the 1960s Brand published the Whole Earth Catalog. Four decades later, that cachet has brought him media access for his advocacy of corporate technologies like genetically modified foods and geo-engineering… and, of course, nuclear energy.

In response to a cover interview in Marin County’s Pacific Sun, I wrote the following to explain why Stewart is wrong wrong wrong:

Stewart Brand now seems to equate “science” with a tragic and dangerous corporate agenda. The technologies for which he argues — nuclear power, “clean” coal, genetically modified crops, etc. — can be very profitable for big corporations, but carry huge risks for the rest of us. In too many instances, tangible damage has already been done, and more is clearly threatened.

If there is a warning light for what Stewart advocates, it is the Deepwater Horizon disaster, which much of the oil industry said (like Three Mile Island and Chernobyl) was “impossible.” Then it happened. The $75 million liability limit protecting BP should be ample warning that any technology with a legal liability limit (like nuclear power) cannot be tolerated.

Thankfully, there is good news: We have true green alternatives to these failed 20th-century ideas. They’re cheaper, safer, cleaner, more reliable, and more job-producing than the old ways Stewart advocates.

Stewart and I have never met. But we have debated on the radio and online. Thank you, Pacific Sun, for bringing us to print.

Stewart’s advocacy does fit a pattern. He appears to have become a paladin for large-scale corporate technologies that may be highly profitable to CEOs and shareholders, but are beyond the control of the average citizen, and work to our detriment. Because he makes so many simple but costly errors, let’s try a laundry list:

  1. Like other reactor advocates, Stewart cavalierly dismisses the nuclear waste problem by advocating, among other things, the stuff be simply dumped down a deep hole. This is a terribly dangerous idea and will not happen. Suffice it to say that after a half-century of promises (the first commercial reactor opened in Pennsylvania in 1957) the solution now being offered by government and industry is… a committee!!!

    Meanwhile, more than 60,000 tons of uniquely lethal spent fuel rods sit at some 65 sites in 31 states with nowhere to go. Like the reactors themselves, they are vulnerable to cooling failure, terror attack, water shortages, overheating of lakes, rivers and oceans, flooding, earthquakes, tornadoes and hurricanes, and much more. This is no legacy to leave our children.

  2. Equally disturbing is the industry’s inability to get meaningful private liability insurance. The current federally imposed limit is $11 billion, which would disappear in a meltdown even faster than BP’s $75 million in the Gulf. According to the latest compendium of studies, issued this spring by the New York Annals of Science, Chernobyl has killed some 985,000 people, and is by no means finished. It has done at least a half-trillion dollars in damage. The uninsured death toll and financial costs of a similar-scaled accident in the U.S. are incalculable, but would clearly kill millions and bankrupt our nation for the foreseeable future.
  3. Stewart points out that there are also risks with wind and solar power. But clearly none that begin to compare with nukes, coal, or deep-water drilling. If reactor owners were forced to find reasonable liability insurance, all would shut. A similar demand for renewables and efficiency would leave them unaffected.
  4. Renewable/efficiency technologies today are cheaper, faster to deploy, and more job-creating than nukes. It takes a minimum of five years to license and build a new reactor. The one being done by AREVA in Finland is hugely over budget and behind schedule. There is no reason to expect anything better here. Among other things, the long lead time ties up for too many years the critical social capital that could otherwise go to technology that can quickly let the planet heal.
  5. Like others who doubt the possibility of a green-powered Earth, Stewart posits the straw man of reliance on a deployment of solar panels that would blanket the desert and do ecological harm. In fact, the National Renewable Energy Lab estimates 100 percent of the nation’s electricity could come from an area 90 miles on a side, or a relatively modest box of 8,100 square miles. But as we all know, that’s not how it will be done. Solar panels belong on rooftops, where there is ample area throughout the nation, and an end to transmission costs.

    Likewise, wind farms do not “cover” endless acres of prairie, their tower bases take up tiny spots that remain surrounded by productive farmland. In this case, currently available wind turbines spinning between the Mississippi and the Rockies could generate 300 percent of the nation’s electricity. There’s sufficient potential in North Dakota, Kansas, and Texas alone to do 100 percent. Cost and installation times put nukes to shame.

    The liability is nil, as is the bird kill, which primarily affects obsolete, badly sited fast-spinning machines in places like Altamont Pass. Those must come down, and there will certainly be other surprises along the way. No technology is perfect, and we need to be careful even with those that are green-based. But as we have seen, further threats on the scale of Chernobyl and the Deepwater Horizon cannot be sustained.

  6. As for GMO crops, Darwin was right. Plants evolve to avoid herbicides just as bugs work their way around pesticides (which Stewart correctly decries). Now we see that “super-weeds” are outsmarting the carefully engineered herbicides meant to justify the whole GMO scheme, bringing a disastrous reversion to horrific, lethal old sprays. Chemical farming may be good for corporate profits, but it can kill global sustainability. In the long run, only organics can sustain us.
  7. Stewart mentions that he is paid only for speeches. But a single such fee can outstrip an entire year’s pay for a grassroots organizer or volunteer. What’s remarkable is that the nuclear power industry spent some $645 million lobbying for its “renaissance” over the past decade — more than $64 million/year. It has bought an army of corporate lobbyists and legislators. Yet only a handful of folks with rear guard environmental credentials have stepped forward to fight for the old fossil/nuclear/GMO technologies.

The reinvented Stewart Brand. Photo by Marla Aufmuth / TED.

Stewart is certainly welcome to his own opinions. But not to his own facts. Pushing for a nuclear “renaissance” concedes that it’s a Dark Age technology, defined by unsustainable costs, inefficiencies, danger, eco-destruction, radiation releases, lack of insurance, uncertain decommissioning costs, vulnerability to terrorism, and much more.

That the industry must desperately seek taxpayer help, and cannot find insurance for even this “newer, safer” generation, is the ultimate testimony to its failure. By contrast, renewables and efficiency are booming, and are a practical solution to our energy needs, which the corporate clunkers of the previous century simply cannot provide.

It’s been a long time since the Whole Earth Catalog was published. Its hallowed founder should wake up to the booming holistic green technologies that are poised to save the Earth. They are ready to roll over the obsolete corporate boondoggles that are killing Her. Chernobyl, Three Mile Island, the disasters in the coal mines and the Gulf remind us we need to make that green-powered transition as fast as we possibly can.

[Harvey Wasserman, an early co-founder of the grassroots “No Nukes” movement, is senior adviser to Greenpeace USA, and author of Solartopia! Our Green-Powered Earth.]

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Marc Estrin : Hingepoint of History


65 years and counting:
Hingepoint of history

By Marc Estrin / The Rag Blog / July 24, 2010

As I write, we are one week past the 65th anniversary of what may be the most important date in the history of the planet. The Planet of the Human Apes.

On July 16th, 1945, Fat Man, aka “the Gadget,” did its early morning, Trinity Test thing, lighting up the sky over Alamogordo, New Mexico.

The U.S. military put out this statement to calm any worried neighbors:

Several inquiries have been received concerning a heavy explosion which occurred on the Alamogordo Air Base reservation this morning. A remotely located ammunition magazine containing a considerable amount of high explosives and pyrotechnics exploded. There was no loss of life or injury to anyone, and the property damage outside of the explosives magazine itself was negligible. Weather conditions affecting the content of gas shells exploded by the blast may make it desirable for the army to evacuate temporarily a few civilians from their homes.

But the sky was not lit up by any considerable amount of high explosives and pyrotechnics. What made the light and blast was the first explosion of a nuclear weapon in planetary history.

And more important than that: what had come to pass was a human call-up of forces beyond control, forces greater than could be imagined, even by the glyph of E = mc2.

They were not only unparalleled physical forces previously sequestered in the infinitesimal. They were forces of human chutzpah, of political and philosophical confusion, of a rape relationship to nature that has never been, can never be, repaired. We have lived since then, and will ever live, in the miasma of that ravishing.

There was one incident at Trinity that seems particularly revealing of the pathology of the perpetrator:

Chief Meteorologist Jack Hubbard, in consultation with every group leader, had early on drawn up a list of the best and worst conditions for the test:

Best conditions for the operation.

A. Visibility greater than 45 miles.
B. Humidity below 85% at all altitudes.
C. Clear skies.
D. Temperature lapse rate aloft slightly stable to prevent dropping of the cloud.
E. Little or no inversion between 5,000 and 25,000 feet to allow cloud to reach maximum altitude.
F. A thick surface inversion or none at all to prevent internal reflections and mirage effects.
G. Winds aloft fairly light, preferred direction from between 6 degrees south of west and 25 degrees south of west. Steady movement desirable to anticipate track of cloud. Horizontal and vertical wind shears desirable for maximum dissipation of the cloud, although such a condition increased the tracking problem.
H. Low-level winds light and preferred drift away from Base Camp and shelters.
I. No precipitation in the area within twelve hours of the operation.
J. Predawn operation desired by the photographic group, although 0930 operation considered best for thermals dissipating the lower levels of the cloud.

Conditions least favorable to the operation.

A. Haze, dust, mirage effects, precipitation, restrictions of visibility below 45 miles.
B. Humidity greater than 85% at the surface or aloft, which might result in condensation by the shock wave.
C. Thunderstorms within 35 miles at the time of operation or for 12 hours following.
D. Rain at the location within 12 hours of the operation.
E. Surface winds greater than 15 mph during and after the operation.
F. Winds aloft blowing toward Base Camp or any population center within 90 miles of the site.Human rationality — even if in service of the irrational.

But instead of tailoring the operation around desired weather, Hubbard was faced with a fait accompli — Truman was in Potsdam, and weather be damned. July 16th was it. “Right in the middle of a period of thunderstorms,” he wrote, “What son-of-a-bitch could have done this?”

Everything unwanted was present: rain, high humidity, inversion layer, and unstable wind. None of the optimum requirements had been met. Rain could scrub the clouds and bring down high levels of radioactivity in a small area. Unstable conditions and high humidity increased the chances that the blast could induce a thunderstorm.

Still, Truman was in Potsdam, and the order was given to proceed with the test. The president needed an ace up his sleeve in his card game with Stalin. Such is the pecking order of politics, war and science.

Hamlet:

What a piece of work is a man, how noble in reason, how infinite in faculties, in form and moving how express and admirable, in action how like an angel, in apprehension how like a god! the beauty of the world, the paragon of animals—and yet, to me, what is this quintessence of dust? Man delights not me…

July 16th, 1945 at Alamogordo was the moment when the human species blew it forever, and our world will never be the same.

After the blast, the “successful” test, Oppenheimer summed it up: “Now I am become Death, the destroyer of worlds.” He was speaking for all of us.

I tell the story of the Manhattan Project and its Trinity Test in great detail in my novel, Insect Dreams: the Half Life of Gregor Samsa. Without blushing, I highly recommend it.

[Marc Estrin is a writer and activist, living in Burlington, Vermont. His novels, Insect Dreams, The Half Life of Gregor Samsa, The Education of Arnold Hitler, Golem Song, and The Lamentations of Julius Marantz have won critical acclaim. His memoir, Rehearsing With Gods: Photographs and Essays on the Bread & Puppet Theater (with Ron Simon, photographer) won a 2004 theater book of the year award. He is currently working on a novel about the dead Tchaikovsky.]

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Tom Hayden : Sherrod, Obama, and the Strength of Roots

Charles Sherrod and Carl Braden (a civil rights legend, along with his wife Anne), in 1963. Photo from Wisconsin Historical Images.

Collective amnesia

The media have been silent about Shirley Sherrod’s husband, Charles Sherrod, a real hero to many of us in the ’60s for his key role as a leader in SNCC in building an INTER-RACIAL civil rights movement. Charlie left SNCC when Stokely Carmichael took it over, expelled white folks, and adopted “black power” as its ideology, in order to continue building a black-and-white movement in Georgia. The notion that Charlie’s wife could have been guilty of what’s being called “reverse racism” against whites is therefore doubly ludicrous. Some of us who knew Charlie back when, however, haven’t forgotten his shining example.

Doug Ireland / The Rag Blog

Remembering the struggle in rural Georgia:
Sherrod, Obama, and the strength of roots

By Tom Hayden / The Rag Blog / July 23, 2010

See ‘Using Race to Smear Obama,’ by Eugene Robinson, Below.

How would members of the Obama administration have reacted to racist pressure from the Deep South in the early 60s? Would they have fired Justice Department civil rights monitors who antagonized hard-line segregationists?

For those of us with long memories, this is one of the key questions posed by the firing of Shirley Sherrod in a fit of official overreaction to the shameful right-wing blogger Andrew Breitbart. It is true that the administration reversed course quickly after the true story was revealed, but that the Obama administration can be spooked so easily by Glenn Beck and FOX News raises a serious question: if they are so tough on national defense, drugs, and crime, where is their resolve against the deceitful attack dogs of the right?

My introduction to virulent southern racism came in 1961 when I ventured to Albany, Georgia, first to write an article about the Deep South organizing done by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and, second, to become a freedom rider on a train to Albany that December.

It was then I met, and came to admire, a brave young civil rights worker named Charles Sherrod, whom everyone in the movement simply called “Sherrod.” Albany was a segregated town near Plains, Georgia, and the home of Hamilton Jordan who went on to become Jimmy Carter’s chief of staff. Sherrod was the kind of front-line young militant who eventually brought about the New South of Carter, Bill Clinton, and Al Gore, among others. Sherrod had to face violence, and the possibility of death, every day in his effort to mobilize young people and their parents against the suffocation of fear.

Shirley Sherrod (Center) with Charles Sherrod (to her left) at the Charles Sherrod Civil Rights Park in Albany, Georgia in 2006. Photo from Rural Development.

Sherrod, and his equally committed wife Shirley, made a conscious decision to stay in rural Georgia long after the voting rights laws were passed and the national media departed. I left Albany after my two brief and harrowing experiences in 1961, and never returned until I spoke at a commemoration of the Albany civil rights movement a few years ago. The Sherrods were still there. She was engaged in programs supporting rural farmers, while he had served on the city council and was a minister in a nearby state prison. There were 500 people at the event, the stalwarts of the past.

So Shirley Sherrod’s life cannot be reduced by a dishonest and amoral right-wing blogger into a few seconds of videotape 25 years old. She is one of many thousands who had the force of character to face racist abuse, and seemingly immovable state power, when they were demonized and disenfranchised. They were the trees standing by the water, and they would not be moved. They tried to bring their morality to politics, not accept the politics of Machiavelli.

Our leaders today could learn from this strength of long ago. In fairness, government officials and leaders of large organizations, who are beneficiaries of the Southern civil rights legacy, have institutional reputations to protect. They should avoid needlessly provoking the right, and have every right to pick their fights intelligently.

But years of battering from the right have bred a defensive anxiety in the ranks of too many Democratic liberals. They flinch before they fight. It’s almost as if they internalize the right-wing refrain that they are weak, tea-sipping elitists. They give far greater consideration to conservatives, militarists, and bankers who rarely vote for them than to the millions of activists in social movements who actually made their power possible.

This is a moment when roots should be remembered, recovered from oblivion and venerated, not airbrushed out of history and polished resumes.

[A political activist for more than four decades, Tom Hayden is director of the Peace and Justice Resource Center. A founder of SDS and a former California State Senator, Hayden is the author of The Long Sixties (Paradigm, 2009).]

Image by Lance Page / truthout; Adapted by Christian Haugen / webtreats.

Using race to smear Obama

By Eugene Robinson / July 22, 2010

WASHINGTON — After the Shirley Sherrod episode, there’s no longer any need to mince words: A cynical right-wing propaganda machine is peddling the poisonous fiction that when African-Americans or other minorities reach positions of power, they seek some kind of revenge against whites.

A few of the purveyors of this bigoted nonsense might actually believe it. Most of them, however, are merely seeking political gain by inviting white voters to question the motives and good faith of the nation’s first African-American president. This is really about tearing Barack Obama down.

Sherrod, until Monday an official with the Department of Agriculture, was supposed to be mere collateral damage. Andrew Breitbart, a smarmy provocateur who often speaks at tea party rallies, posted on his website a video snippet of a speech that Sherrod, who is African-American, gave to a NAACP meeting earlier this year. In it, Sherrod seemed to boast of having withheld from a white farmer some measure of aid that she would have given to a black farmer.

It looked like a clear case of black racism in action. Within hours, Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack had forced her to resign. The NAACP, under attack from the right for having denounced racism in the tea party movement, issued a statement blasting Sherrod and condemning her attitude as unacceptable.

But Breitbart had overstepped. The full video of Sherrod’s speech showed she wasn’t bragging about being a racist, she was telling what amounted to a parable about prejudice and reconciliation. For one thing, the incident happened in 1986 when she was working for a nonprofit, long before she joined the Obama administration. For another, she helped that white man and his family save their farm, and they became friends. Through him, she said, she learned to look past race toward our common humanity.

Shirley Sherrod, then a former board member of the Farmers Legal Action Group (flag), with husband Charles and retiring board member Betty Bailey, were honored at a FLAG dinner in 2009. Photo from Agricultural Law.

In effect, she was telling the story of America’s struggle with race, but with the roles reversed. For hundreds of years, black people were enslaved, oppressed and discriminated against by whites — until the civil rights movement gave us all a path toward redemption.

With the Obama presidency, though, has come a flurry of charges — from the likes of Breitbart but also from more substantial conservative figures — about alleged incidences of racial discrimination against whites by blacks and other minorities. Recall, for example, the way Obama’s critics had a fit when he offered an opinion about the confrontation between Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates Jr. and a white police officer. Remember the over-the-top reaction when it was learned that Justice Sonia Sotomayor had once talked about how being a “wise Latina” might affect her thinking.

Newt Gingrich called Sotomayor a racist. He was lightning-quick to call Sherrod a racist, too. I’d suggest that the former House speaker consider switching to decaf, but I think he knows exactly what he’s doing.

These allegations of anti-white racism are being deliberately hyped and exaggerated because they are designed to make whites fearful. It won’t work with most people, of course, but it works with some — enough, perhaps, to help erode Obama’s political standing and damage his party’s prospects at the polls.

Before Sherrod, the cause célèbre of the “You Must Fear Obama” campaign involved something called the New Black Panther Party. Never heard of it? That’s because it’s a tiny group that exists mainly in the fevered imaginations of its few members. Also in the alternate reality of Fox News: One of the network’s hosts has devoted more than three hours of air time in recent weeks to the grave threat posed by the NBPP. Actually, I suspect that this excess is at least partly an attempt by a relatively obscure anchor to boost her own notoriety.

The Sherrod case has fully exposed the right-wing campaign to use racial fear to destroy Obama’s presidency, and I hope the effect is to finally stiffen some spines in the administration. The way to deal with bullies is to confront them, not run away. Yet Sherrod was fired before even being allowed to tell her side of the story.

She said the official who carried out the execution explained that she had to resign immediately because the story was going to be on Glenn Beck’s show that evening. Ironically, Beck was the only Fox host who, upon hearing the rest of Sherrod’s speech, promptly called for her to be reinstated. On Wednesday, Vilsack offered to rehire her.

Shirley Sherrod stuck to her principles and stood her ground. I hope the White House learns a lesson.

[Eugene Robinson’s e-mail address is eugenerobinson@washpost.com.]

(c) 2010, Washington Post Writers Group

Source / Truthout

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Larry Ray : Hitting the Pause Button


From the land of the ‘oil geezer’:
America’s round-the-clock ‘churnalism’

By Larry Ray / The Rag Blog / July 21, 2010

GULFPORT, Mississippi — This column has been on pause for almost a month.

The disgust and distraction from smelly, greasy petroleum pollution rolling onto beaches and marshes just a mile or so from my home has been mostly responsible for the hiatus. But the general roar of background noise from today’s “news media” is more disgusting, distracting, and off-putting than the BP oil well blowout itself.

Immediately dubbed “the oil spill,” it is not a spill at all. It is a runaway blown-out oil well almost a mile beneath the surface of the Gulf of Mexico that has been pumping an estimated 40-60,000 barrels of oil a day into the Gulf for almost three months. It is a very complex story that requires at least a basic understanding of high school physics and knowledge of basic geology to discuss it in any sort of meaningful way.

It also helps to know something about hydrocarbons and the advanced technology used in oil and gas drilling and producing deep ocean oil wells. But those basic requirements don’t stop pretty news faces from blathering on, basically clueless, reading teleprompter tripe or swapping fuzzy speculation amongst themselves.

The plight of gulf coast residents is heralded by local politicians and a few, including a morbidly obese New Orleans area parish president, have become regulars on national newscasts as they growl and repeat their attacks on BP and the U.S. government. Not that there isn’t plenty to growl about, if you like to listen to it over and over.

In May, immediately after the Deepwater Horizon drilling rig exploded and plunged to the bottom, the short, hyper, bald headed afternoon CNN ringmaster exclaimed breathlessly that they had just discovered a “geezer of oil” coming from the sea floor. And that was before the reporting got really bad.

Nightly stories with video of oil soaked birds and massive pollution of sensitive marine marsh lands requires only a video camera and a talking head reciting the lines of the generic “Gee isn’t this a shame” news story template. Works equally well for earthquakes, floods and raging forest fires.

Mix in the soap opera of BP CEO, Tony Hayward, with his passive Lemur-like gaze and terminal case of foot-in-mouth disease (it has just been announced he is leaving BP in a matter of weeks), then add grimy pre-November election political dirt, tea party racism, and General McChrystal’s inglorious cashiering for trash talking his Commander in Chief, and Arizona’s Nazi immigration law and viola… non-stop, 24-7 all American “churnalism.”

That churnalism, mixed with endless side-effect warnings of 4-hour erections, rashes, and diarrhea from the drug commercials that dominate the evening news and the off switch is the best bet. The New York Times and a cuppa coffee in the mornings along with a visit to the BBC and a couple of Italian major newspapers seems to provide an adequate news balance.

With the dog days of summer spreading record breaking heat and humidity across much of the nation and the threat of an above average hurricane season here where Katrina tore us up almost five years ago, I will probably just keep the pause button pressed and plan to be back, intact, by Thanksgiving or maybe before, hopefully.

[Retired journalist Larry Ray is a Texas native and former Austin television news anchor. He also posts at The iHandbill.]

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Chris Hedges : The Attack of the Future Eaters

Image from AppleBazaar.

Calling all future-eaters:
Time is not on our side

By Chris Hedges / July 21, 2010

The human species during its brief time on Earth has exhibited a remarkable capacity to kill itself off. The Cro-Magnons dispatched the gentler Neanderthals. The conquistadors, with the help of smallpox, decimated the native populations in the Americas. Modern industrial warfare in the 20th century took at least 100 million lives, most of them civilians.

And now we sit passive and dumb as corporations and the leaders of industrialized nations ensure that climate change will accelerate to levels that could mean the extinction of our species. Homo sapiens, as the biologist Tim Flannery points out, are the “future-eaters.”

In the past when civilizations went belly up through greed, mismanagement, and the exhaustion of natural resources, human beings migrated somewhere else to pillage anew. But this time the game is over. There is nowhere else to go. The industrialized nations spent the last century seizing half the planet and dominating most of the other half.

We giddily exhausted our natural capital, especially fossil fuel, to engage in an orgy of consumption and waste that poisoned the Earth and attacked the ecosystem on which human life depends. It was quite a party if you were a member of the industrialized elite. But it was pretty stupid.

Collapse this time around will be global. We will disintegrate together. And there is no way out. The 10,000-year experiment of settled life is about to come to a crashing halt. And humankind, which thought it was given dominion over the Earth and all living things, will be taught a painful lesson in the necessity of balance, restraint and humility.

There is no human monument or city ruin that is more than 5,000 years old. Civilization, Ronald Wright notes in A Short History of Progress, “occupies a mere 0.2 percent of the two and a half million years since our first ancestor sharpened a stone.”

Bye-bye, Paris. Bye-bye, New York. Bye-bye, Tokyo. Welcome to the new experience of human existence, in which rooting around for grubs on islands in northern latitudes is the prerequisite for survival.

We view ourselves as rational creatures. But is it rational to wait like sheep in a pen as oil and natural gas companies, coal companies, chemical industries, plastics manufacturers, the automotive industry, arms manufacturers, and the leaders of the industrial world, as they did in Copenhagen, take us to mass extinction? It is too late to prevent profound climate change. But why add fuel to the fire? Why allow our ruling elite, driven by the lust for profits, to accelerate the death spiral? Why continue to obey the laws and dictates of our executioners?

The news is grim. The accelerating disintegration of Arctic Sea ice means that summer ice will probably disappear within the next decade. The open water will absorb more solar radiation, significantly increasing the rate of global warming. The Siberian permafrost will disappear, sending up plumes of methane gas from underground. The Greenland ice sheet and the Himalayan-Tibetan glaciers will melt.

Jay Zwally, a NASA climate scientist, declared in December 2007: “The Arctic is often cited as the canary in the coal mine for climate warming. Now, as a sign of climate warming, the canary has died. It is time to start getting out of the coal mines.”

But reality is rarely an impediment to human folly. The world’s greenhouse gases have continued to grow since Zwally’s statement. Global emissions of carbon dioxide (CO22) from burning fossil fuels since 2000 have increased by 3 per cent a year. At that rate annual emissions will double every 25 years.

James Hansen, the head of NASA’s Goddard Institute for Space Studies and one of the world’s foremost climate experts, has warned that if we keep warming the planet it will be “a recipe for global disaster.” The safe level of CO22 in the atmosphere, Hansen estimates, is no more than 350 parts per million (ppm). The current level of CO22 is 385 ppm and climbing. This already guarantees terrible consequences even if we act immediately to cut carbon emissions.

The natural carbon cycle for 3 million years has ensured that the atmosphere contained less than 300 ppm of CO22, which sustained the wide variety of life on the planet. The idea now championed by our corporate elite, at least those in contact with the reality of global warming, is that we will intentionally overshoot 350 ppm and then return to a safer climate through rapid and dramatic emission cuts.

This, of course, is a theory designed to absolve the elite from doing anything now. But as Clive Hamilton in his book Requiem for a Species: Why We Resist the Truth About Climate Change writes, even “if carbon dioxide concentrations reach 550 ppm, after which emissions fell to zero, the global temperatures would continue to rise for at least another century.”

Copenhagen was perhaps the last chance to save ourselves. Barack Obama and the other leaders of the industrialized nations blew it. Radical climate change is certain. It is only a question now of how bad it will become. The engines of climate change will, climate scientists have warned, soon create a domino effect that could thrust the Earth into a chaotic state for thousands of years before it regains equilibrium.

“Whether human beings would still be a force on the planet, or even survive, is a moot point,” Hamilton writes. “One thing is certain: there will be far fewer of us.”

We have fallen prey to the illusion that we can modify and control our environment, that human ingenuity ensures the inevitability of human progress, and that our secular god of science will save us. The “intoxicating belief that we can conquer all has come up against a greater force, the Earth itself,” Hamilton writes. “The prospect of runaway climate change challenges our technological hubris, our Enlightenment faith in reason and the whole modernist project. The Earth may soon demonstrate that, ultimately, it cannot be tamed and that the human urge to master nature has only roused a slumbering beast.”

We face a terrible political truth. Those who hold power will not act with the urgency required to protect human life and the ecosystem. Decisions about the fate of the planet and human civilization are in the hands of moral and intellectual trolls such as BP’s Tony Hayward.

These political and corporate masters are driven by a craven desire to accumulate wealth at the expense of human life. They do this in the Gulf of Mexico. They do this in the southern Chinese province of Guangdong, where the export-oriented industry is booming.

China’s transformation into totalitarian capitalism, done so world markets can be flooded with cheap consumer goods, is contributing to a dramatic rise in carbon dioxide emissions, which in China are expected to more than double by 2030, from a little over 5 billion metric tons to just under 12 billion.

This degradation of the planet by corporations is accompanied by a degradation of human beings. In the factories in Guangdong we see the face of our adversaries. The sociologist Ching Kwan Lee found “satanic mills” in China’s industrial southeast that run “at such a nerve-racking pace that worker’s physical limits and bodily strength are put to the test on a daily basis.” Some employees put in workdays of 14 to 16 hours with no rest day during the month until payday.

In these factories it is normal for an employee to work 400 hours or more a month, especially those in garment industry. Most workers, Lee found, endure unpaid wages, illegal deductions and substandard wage rates. They are often physically abused at work and do not receive compensation if they are injured on the job. Every year a dozen or more workers die from overwork in the city of Shenzhen alone. In Lee’s words the working conditions “go beyond the Marxist notions of exploitation and alienation.”

A survey published in 2003 by the official China News Agency, cited in Lee’s book Against the Law: Labor Protests in China’s Rustbelt and Sunbelt, found that three in four migrant workers had trouble collecting their pay. Each year scores of workers threaten to commit suicide, Lee writes, by jumping off high-rises or setting themselves on fire over unpaid wages. “If getting paid for one’s labor is a fundamental feature of capitalist employment relations, strictly speaking many Chinese workers are not yet laborers,” Lee writes.

The leaders of these corporations now determine our fate. They are not endowed with human decency or compassion. Yet their lobbyists make the laws. Their public relations firms craft the propaganda and trivia pumped out through systems of mass communication. Their money determines elections. Their greed turns workers into global serfs and our planet into a wasteland.

As climate change advances we will face a choice between obeying the rules put in place by corporations or rebellion. Those who work human beings to death in overcrowded factories in China and turn the Gulf of Mexico into a dead zone are the enemy. They serve systems of death. They cannot be reformed or trusted.

The climate crisis is a political crisis. We will either defy the corporate elite, which will mean civil disobedience, a rejection of traditional politics for a new radicalism and the systematic breaking of laws, or see ourselves consumed.

Time is not on our side. The longer we wait, the more assured our destruction becomes. The future, if we remain passive, will be wrested from us by events. Our moral obligation is not to structures of power, but life.

© 2010 TruthDig.com

[Chris Hedges writes a regular column for Truthdig.com. Hedges graduated from Harvard Divinity School and was for nearly two decades a foreign correspondent for The New York Times. He is the author of many books, including: War Is A Force That Gives Us Meaning, What Every Person Should Know About War, and American Fascists: The Christian Right and the War on America. His most recent book is Empire of Illusion: The End of Literacy and the Triumph of Spectacle.]

Source / TruthDig / Common Dreams

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Cold War Redux : Dissident, Criminal, Contractor, Spy

Image from Today’s Financial Times.

Cold war redux:
What’s in a name…

Dissident, political prisoner, contractor, spy, criminal? All depends: Which side are you on?

By Harry Targ / The Rag Blog / July 21, 2010

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton called on the Jewish community in the United States to raise its voice in support of Agency for International Development “contractor,” “human rights activist,” supporter of the “isolated Jewish community in Cuba,” Alan Gross who is currently in jail for bringing unauthorized communications equipment to distribute to Cuban citizens.

The Clinton speech resembles the Cold War efforts of various administrations to get the support of ethnic groups to advocate for United States imperial policies: Poles, Hungarians, Koreans, Taiwanese, Vietnamese, and counter-revolutionary Cubans. The Reagan administration launched a phony campaign in the 1980s to convince the American people that the Sandinista-led government in Nicaragua was anti-Semitic. Despite the efforts of a few holocaust survivors, a delegation of Jewish leaders, including rabbis, visited Nicaragua and reported that after careful investigation, the charges were false.

In addition, several dozen convicted violators of Cuban law, who probably had ties to U.S. efforts to undermine the Cuban government, have been referred to in the media as “dissidents,” or activists for “democratization” on the island. Curiously, the five Cubans who have been in U.S. prisons for working to uncover Cuban-American terrorist plots against the island are called “spies.”

Eleven Russians who have been living in the United States for years and all of a sudden have been identified as “spies” are being returned to Russia in exchange for spies funded by the United States who were serving prison terms in Russia.

Finally, a story just broke that an Iranian scientist who left his country and via Saudi Arabia came to the United States, presumably as a defector, is returning to Iran. Was he a defector? Is he an Iranian spy? Was his family in Iran threatened by the regime?

There are several morals from these stories. First, the United States continues to work to undermine, destabilize, and destroy the Cuban revolution. Gross is claimed to have been a conduit for humanitarian assistance to marginalized Cubans at the same time that Walter Lippman (CubaNews@yahoogroups.com), reports that the State Department is increasing the dispersal of funds to anti-government dissidents in Cuba: more money for “contractors” like Gross.

Second, the mainstream media never tells the story of the Cuban Five, who with the full knowledge of the FBI, were working to uncover violent plots against their country hatched in Miami.

Third, the spy story — Cubans, Russians, Iranians, or others — captures the imagination and interest of the mainstream media. What makes stories like the capture of the Russian spies so silly is that most information any operatives from one or another government might want is available on the internet. But the spy story reminds us of the good old days of James Bond and Matt Helm and the Cold War.

Fourth, as to the old Cold War adversaries, bureaucratic institutions were established, the Federal Bureau of Investigation and KGB, to stimulate fear, justify bizarre militaristic policies, and stifle dissent. The FBI and the successor to the KGB need spies. In fact these two bloated and irresponsible bureaucracies, parallel to the military establishments of the former Cold War adversaries, need each other and so-called “spies” to justify their existence.

Finally, as to Cuba, Karen Wald has pointed out that Alan Gross, the humanitarian USAID “contractor,” had not contacted Cuban Jews to distribute the communications technology that was supposed to improve their lives. Several years ago I visited the synagogue and community center, Patronato, in Vedado in Central Havana. The then Jewish community leader, Dr. Jose Miller, welcomed me and asked where I was from. I told him Indiana. He responded: “Ah Congressman Burton.” He knew that the Helms/Burton Act of 1996 tightened the economic blockade of Cuba. I took from his response the idea that the primary kind of humanitarian assistance the Jewish community of Cuba wanted from the United States was an end to the economic blockade.

But United States policy remains buried in the Cold War days: trying to undermine regimes, calling people who agree with us “dissidents,” “contractors,” humanitarians” and “political prisoners” and those we still oppose “spies,” and the regimes they serve dictatorships.

[Harry Tarq is a professor in American Studies who lives in West Lafayette, Indiana. He blogs at Diary of a Heartland Radical.]

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John Ross : Oaxaca : Killer Governor Blown Away

Oaxaca Governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz (depicted above) was blown away in the recent Mexican elections by left-right candidate Gabino Cue. Cartoon from NNDB.

Victor Gabino Cue a question mark:
Killer Governor blown away in Oaxacan election

The unlikely new governor Gabino Cue, [was] the candidate of a much-questioned alliance between the left Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) and President Felipe Calderon’s right-wing PAN…

By John Ross / The Rag Blog / July 21, 2010

MEXICO CITY — As the preliminary election results began to flow this past July 4th, Ulises Ruiz Ortiz (URO), Oaxaca’s outgoing governor whose police state tactics have been dissed at every strata of Mexican society from the nation’s Supreme Court to the Zapotec market venders in his state capital, was not a happy camper.

Early returns overwhelmingly favored Gabino Cue, the candidate of a bizarre left-right alliance over URO’s chosen successor Eviel Perez for governor of this impoverished southern state and Ulises began to drink heavily.

Soon, according to eye-witnesses as reported by Proceso magazine, Ruiz got on his cell phone to trash former aides, accusing them of betraying him and threatening great bodily harm. Indeed, his ex-Secretary of Government Jorge Franco took the threats to heart and reportedly fled Mexico.

As Cue’s margin of victory mounted, URO became desperate and tried to shut down the preliminary vote count or PREP, ordering electricity cut off to the state electoral institute where the votes were being registered but the vote counters had backup generators and were prepared to ward off the sabotage.

Although URO’s Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) has had a lock on Oaxaca for the past 81 years and controlled the state electoral apparatus, there seemed to be no way that Ruiz could dodge defeat. Even though URO’s henchmen had set up duplicate Internet pages to communicate doctored results, URO’s candidate was losing on both of them.

Ulises Ruiz’s star rose precipitously in the PRI firmament when his political godfather Roberto Madrazo won the presidency of the party in 2004 — URO had once been his chauffeur and Madrazo engineered Ruiz’s successful candidacy for governor of Oaxaca.

Madrazo won the PRI presidential nomination in 2006 but ran an inept campaign and finished in third place, the worst showing ever for the party that had controlled the nation’s destiny from 1928 through 2000, the longest-ruling political dynasty in the known universe.

Ruiz did not fare much better in Oaxaca. In June 2006, one month prior to the presidential election, it became evident that URO would lose the state for Madrazo to the leftist upstart Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) and he went on the war path, ordering state police to break up a “planton” (encampment) of teachers from the maverick Education Workers Union’s Section 22 in the Oaxaca city plaza — but the maestros soon rallied and took the square back.

After three days of bruising confrontations with the police, hundreds of social struggle groups from all over this majority Indian state convened to form the Oaxaca Peoples’ Popular Assembly or APPO, which became the linchpin of the landmark civic insurrection of 2006.

At the zenith of the uprising, the APPO and its allies took over the state television channel and set up a thousand barricades in and around the capitol, the self-declared “Commune of Oaxaca.”

URO retaliated. Twenty six APPO supporters, including U.S. Indymedia reporter Brad Will, were executed by the governor’s roving death squads between August and November. Will’s murder October 27th during a last-ditch effort by the APPO to shut Oaxaca city down triggered federal intervention and thousands of military police were sent in to crush the rebellion. Hundreds were arrested and tortured and flown to out-of-state prisons where they were locked up for months on bogus charges.

The suppression of individual guarantees in Oaxaca during URO’s reign of terror drew condemnation from the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) and even the Mexican Supreme Court of Justice. International human rights organizations issued highly critical reports. When Irene Khan, director of Amnesty International, tried to hand her organization’s conclusions to URO, he defiantly refused to accept the document.

The international spotlight has continued to dog Ruiz since 2006. On April 27th of this year, goons thought to be on URO’s payroll opened fire on a bus full of human rights workers seeking to deliver humanitarian aid to the autonomous Triqi Indian municipality of San Juan Copala, killing one international observer from Finland, Jyri Jaakola.

When deputies from the Green Party faction in the European parliament traveled to Oaxaca to interview Ulises this June about his role in the killing, the governor refused to meet with them and accused “foreigners” (“extranjeros“) of intervening in the Oaxaca elections.

As news of the PRI’s defeat spread this July 4th, Oaxacans took to the streets, giving voice to the belatedly fulfilled chant of 2006: “Ya Cayo! Ya Cayo! Ulises Ya Cayo!” (“He’s Fallen! He’s Fallen! Ulises Has Fallen!”) The “voto de castigo” or punishment vote meted out to the now ex- governor “expressed the exasperation of the people with the repressive, authoritarian, and, yes, fascist rule of URO and the PRI,” Azael Santiago, leader of Section 22, summed it up for the press.

Oaxaca’s new governor Gabino Cue in Puerto Escondido, March 19, 2010. Photo from Cue’s website.

The unlikely new governor Gabino Cue, the candidate of a much-questioned alliance between the left Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) and President Felipe Calderon’s right-wing PAN plus two small left parties (Cue, a one-time PRIista is himself a member of record of Democratic Convergence, a shadow party of ex-PRIistas) handed the Institutional Revolutionary Party its most damaging setback in eight decades of iron-fisted, cradle-to-grave rule in Oaxaca — even when the national PRI lost the presidency in 2000, the Institutionals retained control in this conflictive southern state.

Cue’s awkwardly-named alliance “United for Peace and Progress in Oaxaca” (UPPO), topped the former ruling party by nine points July 4th, soundly whipping URO’s hand-picked “gallo” Eviel Perez by 200,000 votes (700,000 to 500,000). For Ruiz, the vote represented a double TKO. Thought to be next in line to succeed Beatriz Paredes as president of the PRI (Paredes is an unannounced presidential candidate), the Oaxaca thrashing appears to have derailed URO’s national political ambitions.

Nonetheless, results from the state congress races proved less gloomy for the PRI with the the Institutional Revolution taking 16 seats, the PAN 11, and the PRD 10. Although the two alliance partners hold a majority, whether they can work together for legislative change remains to be tested.

In the aftermath of the July 4th shakedown, a bitter Ruiz appointed Perez president of the state PRI to confirm the former governor’s continuing domination of the party apparatus in Oaxaca, refused to negotiate with Cue on the details of transition, and lodged protests in a thousand polling places with the state electoral institute to overturn what appears to be an irreversible debacle.

One pivotal addition to the new state congress will be Flavio Sosa, a former spokesperson for the APPO during the 2006 Battle of Oaxaca. Sosa was once a PRD deputy in the federal congress but jumped briefly to the PAN before returning to Oaxaca to become a key voice in the APPO.

Lured up to Mexico City in August 2006 to negotiate with federal officials, Sosa was arrested after meeting with then-Secretary of Government Carlos Abascal and locked down in the nation’s maximum-security penitentiary for 10 months, during which stretch Sosa was transformed into Mexico’s most public political prisoner. Cue is thought to have nixed the flamboyant Sosa’s candidacy for the state congress but relented when he realized his veto would cost the Alliance the votes of APPO supporters.

The PAN-PRD alliance was brokered by political fixer Manuel Camacho Solis, a former PRI mayor of Mexico City and now a PRD honcho who brought together Jesus Ortega, the leader of the “Chuchus” group (many members are named Jesus) that controls the left party apparatus and are arch-foes of the PRD’s ex-presidential candidate Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO), and Cesar Nava, installed by Calderon as president of the PAN. The goal of this coalition of strange bedfellows was to halt the PRI steamroller before it reaches critical mass and takes back the presidency in 2012.

Accompanied by Lopez Obrador, Gabino Cue, a former mayor of Oaxaca city who challenged URO in the 2004 gubernatorial race, visited all 572 municipalities or counties in the state last year, 402 of which are autonomous majority Indian entities, an expedition that established his creds with social struggle organizations. The tour with Lopez Obrador is thought to have been the building block that put Cue over the top July 4th.

Ironically, AMLO rejected the alliance between the PAN and the PRD and refused to take part in Cue’s campaign for governor — Lopez Obrador continues to maintain that he was stripped of presidential victory in 2006 by PAN flimflam (although AMLO did win Oaxaca handily that year.)

The PAN and the PRD fielded joint gubernatorial candidates in five states July 4th, winning in three of them — as graphic evidence of Mexico’s Byzantine political dynamic, all five of the PAN-PRD coalition candidates were ex-PRIistas. But whether the left’s fortunes will prosper in states where it was part of the winning ticket remains to be seen.

In Sinaloa and Puebla, where the alliance scored upsets, the PRD has minimal influence and will not play a pertinent role in the new administrations. But in Oaxaca where the electoral left has aligned itself with the social struggle and Lopez Obrador remains a popular figure, the PRD will command a quota of power.

Which side of the alliance Gabino Cue ultimately favors remains up for grabs at this early hour. The morning after his resounding victory, he telephoned both Felipe Calderon and Lopez Obrador to thank them for their support and invited them both to his December 1st inauguration (don’t expect AMLO to put in an appearance).

Perhaps the litmus test for the leftists’ strength in the incoming Oaxaca government will be how Gabino Cue handles seething public indignation at URO’s prolonged police state regime. “There are widows and orphans. Hundreds were sent to jail unjustly and tortured. Someone has to answer for all this,” insists Adelfo Regino, a Mixe Indian lawyer and founding member of the National Indigenous Congress. Adelfo worries that the new governor will offer amnesty to Ruiz and his thugs in exchange for political peace.

Throughout his campaign, Cue pledged justice for the families of the dead but has been quick to reject the creation of a truth commission or the appointment of a special prosecutor. On the other hand, Gabino Cue’s election extends a slender beam of hope for justice to the family and friends of Brad Will, cut down by URO’s police in Santa Lucia del Camino, a suburb that the alliance won July 4th. Cue’s coalition also won Oaxaca city.

2010 is the bicentennial of Mexico’s War of Independence from Spain and the 100th anniversary of the Mexican Revolution, twin celebrations that will have deep resonance in this southern state, the birthplace of three seminal personages in this distant neighbor nation’s oft-violent history: Benito Juarez, the Zapotec Indian who rose to become Mexico’s first (and last) indigenous president; Porfirio Diaz, dictator from 1876 to 1910 whose overthrow ushered in the revolution; and Ricardo Flores Magon, the anarchist writer and organizer who played a crucial role in the genesis of that first great uprising of the landless in Latin America.

Indeed, the defeat of the PRI is freighted with historical significance, particularly for armed groups who view 2010 as a platform for renewed revolutionary struggle. Oaxaca has traditionally been fertile ground for guerrilla movements.

But for the survivors of URO’s 2006 onslaught, optimism is tempered with caution. The next months before Gabino Cue takes office in December will be extremely treacherous ones, frets Gustavo Esteva, rector of the University of the Earth and a theoretician of grassroots organizing in Oaxaca.

The “colatazo” or tail whipping of the PRI dinosaur as the party is so often caricatured, could produce plenty of fresh victims. After 81 years with its foot on the throat of this poverty-wracked, mostly rural and indigenous state, the PRI is not going to go gently into the good night. “We have to get ready for the War!” a drunken Ulises shouted at his compinches on election night.

That war was apparently detonated July 19th on the first day of the state-wide Guelaguetza fiesta, when the outgoing governor ordered his state police to drive APPO street venders from the Oaxaca city plaza. Dozens were injured and arrested in the melee.

Gabino Cue did not win the July 4th election so much as voters turned out to dump URO and the PRI machine, Esteva reasons. Gustavo is amazed that brigades of rebel youths who in 2006 fought Ulises’s death squads on the barricades, plastered walls with fierce anarchist slogans, and who usually reject electoral politics as an avenue of change, pitched in to organize the voter turn-out and volunteered as poll watchers in 2010.

The bases do not really trust Gabino Cue to satisfy their demands without a fight, Esteva confides. Indeed, justice is only going to come home to Oaxaca if the social thrust from the bottom that was embodied in the 2006 revolt by the APPO and Section 22 rises up to challenge the new governor to do the right thing.

[John Ross is at home in Mexico City. His latest opus, El Monstruo: Dread and Redemption in Mexico City (“gritty and pulsating” — the New York Post) is available at your neighborhood independent bookstore. For complaints, admonitions, and faint praise write johnross@igc.org.]

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Baudrillard 3 : Breakaway and Inertia

Image by alexkess / RedBubble.

BAUDRILLARD 3:

Breakaway and inertia

By Marc Estrin / The Rag Blog / July 20, 2010

[This is the last of a three part series on the philosopher and social critic Jean Baudrillard, who died three years ago at the age of 77. Go here for Parts 1 and 2.]

Before we leave him, let us follow Baudrillard’s thought a bit further here for the hints it may give us about our contemporary situation. In a provocative 1987 article entitled “The Year 2000 Has Already Happened,” he takes us astride some fascinating metaphors. While some of the physics may be less than strict, it is worth suspending disbelief, and being open to the poetic truth of his images.

Why has the real disappeared? Baudrillard evokes the “speed of liberation” necessary for a body to escape the gravitational force of a star or planet.

According to this image, we may suppose that the acceleration of modernity, technical, factual, mediatory, the acceleration of all economic, political and sexual exchanges — all that we denote fundamentally under the term “liberation” — has carried us at a speed of liberation, such that we have one day…escaped from the referential sphere of the real and of history. (35)

But since all actions have their equal and opposite reactions, at the same time, Baudrillard invokes an “inverse” hypothesis dealing with the slowing down of processes. By relativity theory, great mass slows down time.

Here then is the most important event of our modern societies, the most subtle and most profound trick of their history: the advent, in the very course of their socialization, of their mobilization, of their productive and revolutionary intensification,…the advent of a force of inertia, of an immense indifference, and of the silent power of indifference. What we call the masses. This mass, this inert material of the social, does not arise from a lack of exchange, information, and communication, but on the contrary from the multiplication and saturation of exchange, information, etc. It is born of the hyper-density of the city, of merchandise, of messages, of circuits. It is the cold star of the social and, surrounding this mass, history chills, slows down, events succeed one another and are annihilated in indifference. Neutralized, immunized by information, the masses in turn neutralize history and play(act) as a screen of absorption.(37)

Gridlock. In this view (wave, not photon), progress, history, reason, desire can no longer find their “speed of liberation.”

We are already at the point where political and social events do not have sufficient autonomous energy to move us, and thus they unfold as in a silent film for which we are, not individually, but collectively, irresponsible. History ends there, and you may see how: not because of lack of character, nor of violence…nor of events, but of a slowing down, indifference, and stupefaction….[History’s] effects accelerate, but its sense slackens, ineluctably. (38)

Baudrillard thinks through — in microcosm — the cosmological question of infinite expansion vs. cycles of expansion and contraction. Will the breakaway or the inertia prevail?

Are we, like the galaxies, caught in a definitive movement that distances us one from another at a prodigious speed, or is this dispersion to infinity destined to end, and the human molecules to approach one another according to an inverse movement of gravitation? (38)

It could be that the very energy of the liberation of the species (the demographic, technological acceleration, the acceleration of exchanges in the course of centuries) creates an excess of mass and of resistance which goes faster than the initial energy, and which would thus drag us in an unrelenting movement of contraction and inertia. (39)

Baudrillard offers a third hypotheses about the “vanishing point,” the point of disappearance beyond which all ceases to be real, by evoking the technical perfection of stereo. In his listening experience, there is no more music, but rather an impression of something “viscerally secreted in the interior.”

The problem of the disappearance of music is the same as that of history: it will not disappear for want of music, it will disappear in the perfection of its materiality.

It is also thus with history, there too we have gone beyond that limit where, as a result of informational sophistication, history as such has ceased to exist. [There has been a] short-circuit between cause and effect,…a radical uncertainty about the truth, about the very reality of the event.

By definition, this ‘vanishing point’, the point on this side of which there was history, there was music, there was a meaning to the event, to the social, to sexuality,…this point is irrecoverable. Where must we stop information?…We will never know what history was before becoming exasperated in the technical perfection of information, or before vanishing in the multiplicity of codes — we will never know what all things were before vanishing in the realization of their model.(39)

Unlike the (sophisticated) complainers of the Frankfurt School, Baudrillard seems pleased — or at least not unhappy — with all this.

That we leave history in order to enter into simulation…is not at all a despairing hypothesis, unless one speaks of simulation as a higher form of alienation. Which I will certainly not do. History is precisely the place of alienation, and if we leave history, we also leave alienation (not without nostalgia, one must say, for that good old dramaturgy of subject and object.)

But we can offer the hypothesis that history itself is or was only an immense model of simulation….I speak of the time in which it unfolds, of this linear time where events supposedly succeed one another from cause to effect, even if the complexity is great. (41)

Baudrillard sees no liberating local language games, but

massive comportments of retreat, of the suspension of the historic will, including the apparent inverse obsession of historicising everything, of achieving everything, of memorizing everything of our past and that of other cultures. (43)

Wandering through underground shopping malls, he senses

societies which entomb themselves behind their prospective technologies, their stocks of information and in the immense alveolate networks of communication where time is finally annihilated by pure circulation — these generations will never perhaps awake, but they don’t know it. (43)

Nevertheless, he does not complain. His positive evaluation of America stands alone amidst the howling and jeering of other cultured Europeans:

The US is a beautiful example of this immoral energy of transformation [directed] toward and against all systems of value. Despite [Americans’] morality, their puritanism, their obsession with virtue, their pragmatic idealism, everything there changes irresistibly according to an impulse which is not at all that of progress, linear by definition — no, the real motor is the abjection of free circulation. Asocial and still untamed today, resistant to every coherent project of society: everything is tested there, everything is paid for there, everything is made to have value there, everything fails there. Western music, various therapies, sexual “perversions”, buildings in the east, the leaders, the gadgets, the artistic movements, all pass by in succession without stopping. And our [European] cultural unconscious, profoundly nourished by culture and meaning, can howl before this spectacle. Nevertheless, it is there, in the immoral promiscuity of all the forms, of all the races, in the violent spectacle of change, that resides the success of a society and the sign of its vitality.

What do we do with all this oddball stuff?, or Baudrillard’s Conception of the Role of Theory

It’s not a question of ideas — there are already too many ideas!

Baudrillard calls for nothing — and no action.

And indeed it would be hard to call for anything else since, in Baudrillard, “critical theory faces the formidable task of unveiling structures of domination when no one is dominating, nothing is being dominated and no ground exists for a principle of liberation from domination.” Baudrillard’s writing seems to be for him

simply an act of defiance, a game. But it seems to me to be the only enthralling game. At the same time, it’s often an act of provocation. Perhaps the only thing one can do is to destabilize and provoke the world around us.

Is he modest, or what?

We shouldn’t presume to produce positive solutions. In my opinion this isn’t the intellectual’s or the thinker’s task. It’s not our responsibility. It might occur, but it will only come about by reaction. I’ve the impression that if energy still exists, it is reactive, reactionary, repulsive. It needs to be provoked into action. One should not attempt to inaugurate positive solutions because they will immediately be condemned — so they’re virtually a waste of energy. In other words, one needs to make a kind of detour through the strategy of the worst scenario, through the paths of subversion. It’s a slightly perverse calculation, perhaps. But in my opinion it’s the only effective option — it’s the only way that a philosopher or thinker can, as it were, become a terrorist.

The secret of theory is that truth doesn’t exist. You can’t confront it in any way. The only thing you can do is play with some kind of provocative logic. Truth constitutes a space that can no longer be occupied. The whole strategy is, indeed, not to occupy it, but to work around it so that others come to occupy it. It means creating a void so that others will fall into it.

Much of Baudrillard’s “perverse calculation” is a corollary of an amazing insight:

The false is resplendent with all the power of the true, that is art;…inversely the true …is resplendent with all the power of the false, that is obscenity.

Art, the antithesis of obscenity. There’s an idea for the Evangelical Right!

When one says it is the false which is resplendent with the power of the true, it means that the true, by having this kind of aura placed on it, can never be found simply by looking for it. The only strategy is the reverse one! You only reach the true, the beautiful — supposing that that is what is wanted — by passing directly to the inverse….Indeed, there is a radical contradiction in pretending to find the truth where one is looking for it…which is our morality. Happily, art does not partake of that self-contradiction. It knows very well that illusion is the sole route to get somewhere if something is to be found…It is very fundamental.

Herein lies the ultimate demise of socialism or any other grand theory that, however well-intended, seeks to achieve a particular goal, be it liberation or enslavement.

There is a terrible self-contradiction in the social as we envisage it — or in socialism which proposes indeed the frontal realization of the social, and I would not say without perversion but without any intelligence — that never do things promote themselves like that — in a straight line which would lead from their origin to their end. Happily, things are more subtle than that.

We have already heard “That people want to be told what they want is certainly not true; it is not clear either that they really want to know what they want, or that they desire to want at all.” Baudrillard continues:

The whole edifice of socialism is based on that assumption. They start from the fact that this is what people ought to want, that they are social in the sense that they are supposed to know themselves, know what they want. I think we have pressed beyond that point, beyond truth, beyond reality.

So no more Mr. Fixit. Social theory, at least

maintains absolutely no relation with anything at all; it becomes an event in and of itself. We can no longer fix the way things are going…Strictly speaking, nothing remains but a sense of dizziness, with which you can’t do anything.

And thus we can understand Baudrillard’s evolution from academic, Marxist sociologist to postmodern artist, playing with falsehood “resplendent with all the power of the true.” Though I worry about Baudrillard being nothing but a jester, I read him with a strong sense of lurking enlightenment. The stakes are profound.

Appraising the unappraisable Baudrillard

Everything I write is deemed brilliant, intelligent, but not serious. There has never been any real discussion about it. I don’t claim to be tremendously serious, but there are nevertheless some philosophically serious things in my work!

His critics are merciless, seeing his “speculative spontaneity” as “grossly undertheorized.”

It is inconceivable that any collectivistic political programme can emerge from this practice.

[Baudrillard’s] rhetorical ‘play’ and ‘caprice’ may well disrupt restricting intellectual ethics or conventions, but seldom suffice to inaugurate radically new alternatives to dominant practices.

Certainly, his aestheticist view of the world can be problematical. Who could have watched the Challenger explosion, and then say

It was extraordinary: a sort of symbolic victory that only the Americans could afford! That fantastic burial in the sky! They’ve revived our appetite for space. Offering themselves the luxury of such disasters. What a way to go! Simple endings are without interest; they’re flat and linear. The really exciting thing is to discover orbital space where these other forces play.

Are we to take such a man seriously? We can grant him his “voluntary stance as a marginal oppositional figure.” And we can still be inspired by his enthusiasms:

Even if things are not really at their end, well! Let’s act as if they were. It’s a game, a provocation. Not in order to put a full stop to everything, but, on the contrary, to make everything begin again. So you see, I’m far from being a pessimist.

But most of all, I think we have to value the extraordinary originality of his angle on the contemporary world. How remarkable his attack on what Foucault terms the “abundance of things to know: essential or terrible, marvelous or droll.” As Foucault concludes, there are still “too few means to think about all that is happening.”

Baudrillard adds immeasurably to those means. I would certainly agree with Nickolas Zurbrugg, a most critical critic, in saying

There is frequently something profoundly engaging and inspiring in Baudrillard’s idiosyncratic attempts to grapple with those issues which he finds most challenging and most at stake. Compared with the unadventurous ways in which other cartographers of postmodern culture carefully sift elementary shifts within the familiar shallows of twentieth-century discourse, Baudrillard’s finest “virtual’ descents into uncharted contemporary depths offer models of passionate engagement with the most crucial developments within the postmodern condition.

As to whether hyperreality is truly the new mode of postmodernism, I can only quote my wife, Donna, who the other day called an airline, and pressed 1 to speak to a representative.

“The human I talked to this morning,” Donna reported, “asked ‘What did it say on the automated system?'”

[Marc Estrin is a writer and activist, living in Burlington, Vermont. His novels, Insect Dreams, The Half Life of Gregor Samsa, The Education of Arnold Hitler, Golem Song, and The Lamentations of Julius Marantz have won critical acclaim. His memoir, Rehearsing With Gods: Photographs and Essays on the Bread & Puppet Theater (with Ron Simon, photographer) won a 2004 theater book of the year award. He is currently working on a novel about the dead Tchaikovsky.]

Also see:

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VERSE / Mariann G. Wizard : The Real Dragon (for Marilyn Buck)


People who come out of prison can build up the country.
Misfortune is a test of people’s fidelity.
Those who protest at injustice are people of true merit.
When the prison-doors are opened, the real dragon will fly out.

Ho Chi Minh, Prison Diary

The Real Dragon
for Marilyn Buck

I dreamed you came out ~
Young dragon, hit by unspeakable change
So long ago;
Fallout from bombs you never saw,
Hidden away in darkness, growing, glowing,
With a heart of fire.

I dreamed you came out ~
And swam across the ocean
And hatched your eggs at last
In the abandoned chambers of dreams
And named them Peace,
And Justice,
And Honor,
Joy and Brother;
Sister and Love;
Flower and Power;
And a hundred hundred more
Offspring without number
From your nuclear womb,
Your hero’s heart.
Others there were, too ~
Children of your siblings,
Who learned of you in the nest,
And longed to see your face,
And bask in your radiant shadow.

I dreamed you came out ~
Our dragon ~
And swam the mighty ocean
To this strange future
We never dreamed.

You walked down streets familiar with destruction
And where your feet touched down,
Mighty forests grew.
Your eyes brought forth health clinics;
Your talons, schools;
And your teeth were stained with the blood of lies.

I dreamed you came out ~
And all that had been sent against you
Poured off your silky-armored strength
Like that small silver rain,
And all the past was prelude
And all men heard your roar:

Marilynilla!
Free, free, free at last!

Then, picking up the pieces,
You’ll dance down Fifth Avenue,
Among your retinue
With music everywhere,
And a thousand tongues
Raised in praise.
You’ll stroll through Central Park,
Munching on the new green leaves,
And smile at Liberty,
And She’ll smile back.

Mariann G. Wizard
11/2002

Graphics from Tribal Dragon Tattoos.

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