Danny Schechter : WikiLeaks and the Fetish of Secrecy

Graphic from APS.

Wikileaks and the secrets that deceive us

It’s the age-old battle between our right to know and their right to keep us from knowing.

By Danny Schechter / The Rag Blog / December 21, 2010

In the days of Stalin’s Russia, not only would dissidents “disappear” but also, even in the pre-digital era, photographs of officials at May Day reviewing stands would be erased from photographs when their political stars fell. Our own “Kremlinologists” would know who was in, and who was out by comparing last year’s pictures with this years.

That’s one way of concealing information.

Just last week Republicans on the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission pushed to have certain words removed from the report they were writing because they posed a conflict to their view that only the government was to blame for the financial collapse

Explained economist Paul Krugman,

Last week, reports Shahien Nasiripour of The Huffington Post, all four Republicans on the commission voted to exclude the following terms from the report: “deregulation,” “shadow banking,” “interconnection,” and, yes, “Wall Street.”

When Democratic members refused to go along with this insistence that the story of Hamlet be told without the prince, the Republicans went ahead and issued their own report, which did, indeed, avoid using any of the banned terms.

In our media today, omission of images and ideas is as key to sanitizing the news as is commission, What is not reported or perhaps even known is often more important than stories that are twisted by bias.

Enter WikiLeaks and an age-old battle between our right to know and their right to keep us from knowing. Its critics make a fetish about keeping secrets as if it is a holy duty and not a system of keeping the public uninformed about what their government is doing in its name.

The public has a right to know if officials are saying one thing in private and another in public, if they are concealing information or just plain lying.

The Pentagon Papers showed us that wars could be waged deceptively, based on deliberate falsehoods. WikiLeaks revelations about the Iraq and Afghanistan wars tell a similar story. We have learned how torture and civilian deaths were pervasive — and covered up.

Veteran investigative reporter Bob Parry argues that in the national security area, journalists — and the people — need leaks from officials of conscience.

He writes:

Whatever the unusual aspects of the case, the Obama administration’s reported plan to indict WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange for conspiring with Army Pvt. Bradley Manning to obtain U.S. secrets strikes at the heart of investigative journalism on national security scandals.

That’s because the process for reporters obtaining classified information about crimes of state most often involves a journalist persuading some government official to break the law either by turning over classified documents or at least by talking about the secret information. There is almost always some level of “conspiracy” between reporter and source.

Contrary to what some outsiders might believe, it’s actually quite uncommon for sensitive material to simply arrive “over the transom” unsolicited. Indeed, during three decades of reporting on these kinds of stories, I can only recall a few secret documents arriving that way to me.

It’s not just the government that hides behind secrecy rules it puts in place. The private sector does too — with the complicity of much of the media, which did not warn us about the financial crisis that was building. We didn’t learn about the pervasive fraud in the banking and real estate industries and still don’t know the full extent of the crimes of Wall Street.

Do we have to wait for historians to tell us that the stories we are being told are a crock?

Anyone remember reading about the Spanish American war? That’s the one which also marked the beginnings of “yellow journalism” when screaming headlines and falsified photos were used to mobilize the public for war.

Back then, at the turn of the last century, an American battleship, the USS Maine, sank in Havana Harbor. The incident sparked a battle cry, “REMEMBER THE MAINE.” We were told that “THEY” sank it. The incident led to war which later spread to the Philippines at a cost of six million lives.

Eighty years later, a submersible submarine went down to the remains of the Maine on the harbor floor. What they found was that no one — no terrorists, no Spaniards, no Cubans, nobody sank the Maine. There had been an accident in the engine room. The whole war was based on a well publicized event that never happened.

If we had known that at the time, many lives would have been saved and U.S. foreign policy might not have gone in an imperial direction.

So, back to today:

What do we gain from persecuting and prosecuting Bradley Manning who was among three million people with access to the diplomatic cables we are now reading about? What will we gain by jailing or killing (as some right wingers advocate) Julian Assange, who is already being called “the Che Guevara of the Information Age”?

The CIA’s murder of the original Guevara created a global martyr whose image is still among the most popular icons in the world. Guevara had his own problems with hostile women. One, Molly Gonzales, tried to break through barricades upon his arrival in New York with a seven-inch hunting knife. He later became famous for saying, “the true revolutionary is guided by a great feeling of love.”

Assange is being accused of sexual crimes in Sweden, a country, ironically, recently condemned by Amnesty International for not enforcing its own laws against rape. Now, the WikiLeaker-in-chief, is being targeted by the leak of a Swedish police document detailing charges against him. (They are charges, not facts, and may be serious under Swedish law.)

The ongoing and well-orchestrated war on WikiLeaks is also outraging millions worldwide who see the United States as a secretive and manipulative colossus that lives on lies and deception.

For many, this issue has reached a level of hysteria which, like the “Red Hunts” of the 1920s and the commie “crimes” of the cold war era, will only bring more shame to a Washington desperate to change the story away from the content of the leaked cables to allegations of wrongdoing by Assange. The Administration is also virtually torturing the man who dumped the documents, Bradley Manning, in Gitmo-like conditions, in an effort to turn hum against Assange. He has yet to be tried.

We can’t put the leaks genie back in the bottle. We might do better reflecting on the meaning of these disclosures for our democracy and media. The big secret is the one we don’t want to see: that we are building support and respect for WikiLeaks even as officials fulminate against it.

[“News Dissector” Danny Schechter is a journalist, author, Emmy award winning television producer, and independent filmmaker. Schechter directed Plunder: The Crime of Our Time, and a companion book, The Crime of Our Time: Why Wall Street Is Not Too Big to Jail. Contact him at dissector@mediachannel.org.]

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Greg Moses : Dream Remains for Hector Lopez and Others

Photo from Reuters.

Despite defeat of DREAM Act:
Hope remains for Hector Lopez and others

By Greg Moses / The Rag Blog / December 21, 2010

Two weeks ago 21-year-old Hector Lopez was the poster-perfect picture for hope in the DREAM Act. The story of his American dream, his abrupt deportation, and his heroic bid for asylum was featured in The New York Times just one day before the House of Representatives passed the act on Dec. 8. News reports called for a quick vote in the Senate. Lopez was riding high on a hope that the American system would shortly set him free from a federal lockup for migrants in Arizona.

Then the DREAM Act came unraveled. The Senate vote was postponed for a week. The vote to vote on it fell five votes short. And Lopez, the former student-body president of Rex Putnam High School of Portland, Oregon, suddenly felt the air sucked out of his hopes.

“But the failure of the Senate to pass the DREAM Act in no way changes the status of the dreamers,” insists immigrant advocate Ralph Isenberg, who has been working on the Lopez release full time for several weeks. “This is not a time to panic. Instead, we need to make certain that our national policy of not deporting students like Hector remains intact.”

Isenberg is referring to widely publicized statements made earlier this year by President Barack Obama and federal immigration authorities promising that they would cease spending tax money on efforts to deport young people who had been brought to the U.S. as children.

“I am absolutely certain that Hector Lopez will be released,” says Isenberg on the Sunday before Christmas. “He meets all the criteria for dreamers. He has lived in the U.S. for all but a few weeks of his life. He has been an exemplary student. And if the President’s words are any good, he said dreamers are not to be deported. I have not found another case where a dreamer with Hector’s qualifications and background has been deported.”

Encouraged by what he calls a “sincere tone” in his communications with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) authorities in Arizona, Isenberg has promised to meet all expenses involved in the bonding, release, transportation, and supervision of Lopez so that he can spend the holidays at home with his mother.

Isenberg says he is thankful that ICE officials conducted an interview with Lopez last Wednesday exploring claims that Lopez has a “credible fear” of being re-deported to Mexico. After two full months of life as an American exile in Mexico, Lopez came back across the border in mid-November carrying written appeals for asylum. Officials have reportedly promised a speedy evaluation of the claims in the coming week says Isenberg. Yet despite hopeful signs of sincere treatment in Arizona, Isenberg claims that the past week was stressful for Lopez.

Hector Lopez. Photo from ColorLines.

“Hector had a very bad week,” says Isenberg. “He was shocked by the DREAM Act failing in the Senate.” And he was informed that on Human Rights Day, Dec. 10, an immigration judge in California ruled that the Lopez deportation case could not be reopened at this time.

“Hector is starting to show signs of extreme stress that I fear could lead to depression,” wrote Isenberg in a weekend communication to ICE officials in Arizona. “I also understand the facility psychologist met with Hector. I sincerely hope Hector will be released soon and know that he will most likely suffer from post traumatic stress upon his release. He will get the love and attention he needs from his family and friends. It is imperative that we get Hector released to minimize the amount of mental trauma he has suffered and allow him to resume his position in our society.”

As for the immigration judgment coming out of California, Isenberg points to a passage in the ruling where the judge appears to be appealing to some common sense that cuts through the rigid legalism of the immigration codes.

“The Court notes that were the Government to agree to joint reopening of Respondent’s proceedings… [Lopez] is eligible to pursue relief in the form of suspension of deportation,” wrote the judge in his concluding remarks.

“Respondent has apparently lived in the United States since his entry in 1989… and therefore accrued the requisite physical presence. Respondent has presented voluminous evidence of his good character, contributions to society, and accomplishments. His affidavit also provides evidence of the hardship he has faced upon removal to Mexico.

“While the Court would be amenable to granting Respondent’s Motion sua sponte so that he could pursue his application for suspension of deportation, it is prevented from doing so due to lack of jurisdiction.”

As Isenberg sees it, ICE authorities in Arizona have the sua sponte discretion to release Hector Lopez immediately and return him to his American life by Christmas.

“I told Hector on the telephone this weekend not to give up,” says Isenberg. “He is still on track for being released this week. It would be cruel and unusual punishment not to release this kid.”

[Greg Moses is editor of the Texas Civil Rights Review and author of Revolution of Conscience: Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Philosophy of Nonviolence. A chapter by the author appears in Philosophic Values and World Citizenship: Locke to Obama and Beyond, edited by Leonard Harris and Jacoby Adeshei Carter. He can be reached at gmosesx@gmail.com.]

Also see:

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Ted McLaughlin : Republicans Play Political Football With START Treaty

Political cartoon by Matson / Roll Call.

UPDATE: December 22, 2010 The New START arms control treaty with Russia was ratified by the Senate today by a 71-26 vote, with 13 Republicans crossing the aisle to support it. But they did so in defiance of the Republican leadership which opposed the treaty to the end — after making unsuccessful attempts to sabotage it with amendments that would have made the treaty unacceptable to the Russians.

The Republicans, the START Treaty,
and the “No” game

Congressional Republicans are treating the issue like another political football.

By Ted McLaughlin / The Rag Blog / December 21, 2010

It looks like the Republicans are still playing the “No” game, where they try to delay or stop anything President Obama tries to accomplish. The difference this time is that their obstructionism will make life more dangerous — both for Americans and for those living in other countries. That’s because this time their little game may determine whether the number of nuclear weapons in the world is reduced or increased.

Last April the United States and Russia agreed, after serious negotiations, on a new Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START). The new treaty, signed by Presidents Obama and Medvedev, would reduce the strategic nuclear weapons of both countries by an additional 30%. There is little doubt that the Russians will confirm the treaty, since Putin gets whatever he wants from the Russian Duma (legislature). The only doubt is whether the U.S. Senate will ratify the treaty.

It takes a two-thirds vote of the Senate to ratify a treaty with another country, and although a clear majority of the Senate is in favor of ratification, it remains to be seen whether the magic number of 67 can be reached. That’s because many Republicans, including the party leadership in the Senate, have come out against approving the treaty. One senator even had the temerity to suggest there is no reason to rush into approving the treaty — although voting on the treaty eight MONTHS after both presidents signed it can hardly be called a rush to judgment.

The Republicans have tried to give the impression over and over again that the treaty was unverifiable and would put the United States at a disadvantage somehow. Both of those charges are ridiculous. The fact is that all of the Joint Chiefs of Staff of the United States Military are enthusiastically in favor of the START treaty. I can’t believe they would be in favor of any treaty that disadvantaged the United States or weakened our defenses.

In addition, all of the former (and the current) Secretary of States (including the ones who served in Republican administrations) have come out in favor of the treaty. And all of our NATO allies (who are probably in more danger from Russian weapons than we are) are in favor of the treaty. In fact, it seems that the only opponents of the START treaty are some Congressional Republicans, and they’re treating the issue like another political football. They just don’t want to let President Obama have any kind of accomplishment — even one that makes the world a little safer place.

The Republicans seem to think they can kill the treaty (showing their fringe right-wing base how anti-Obama they are) and nothing will really change with the world balance of power. Unfortunately, that’s just not true. The Republicans have tried to amend the treaty, but that is just an effort to kill it. Any amendment would mean the two countries would have to go back and negotiate all over again, and the Russians are in no mood to do that.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said, “The START agreement, which was drafted on the basis of strict parity, completely meets the national interests of both Russia and the United States. It cannot be reopened, becoming the subject of new negotiations.” Putin, the real power in Russia, went even further. He said the failure to ratify the treaty would be “dumb,” and would most likely be the start of a new arms race — he said Russia would have to take some kind of action in response.

So things are not going to stay the same no matter what the Senate does. If they ratify the treaty, nuclear arms will be reduced by a significant 30%. If they don’t, the Russians are likely to increase their nuclear weapons total (and we would probably do the same) — putting the Doomsday clock a few minutes closer to midnight. And I couldn’t really blame the Russians if they reacted in that way.

Why should they trust us if we refuse to ratify a reduction in nuclear weapons? Remember, we are the only nation on Earth that has ever used nuclear weapons. We are also the only nation that has refused to guarantee that we won’t launch a first strike of nuclear weapons. Those two facts together make us look like a very dangerous foe — a foe that may not be trustworthy.

It is extremely important that the United States ratify this treaty, especially after all the international relations that were seriously damaged by the Bush administration. It is critical that President Obama be viewed by the world as restoring the United States as a trustworthy partner in establishing world peace (and that he be viewed as having the internal power to do that). If the Republicans are able to kill the treaty it will damage our relations abroad — among our friends and our enemies.

It looks like the vote will be close [though things are looking better as of this writing]. All of the Republican’s “poison pill” amendments have been easily defeated, but not by two-thirds votes (like the treaty would need for ratification). The Democrats say they have 57 votes from their own caucus (55 Democrats and both independents — Sanders and Lieberman). Wyden (Oregon) is absent because he just had cancer surgery. That means 10 Republican votes will be necessary for ratification.

According to Sen. Schumer (New York), there are currently five Republicans who say they will vote for the START treaty — Cochran (Mississippi), Collins (Maine), Snowe (Maine), Voinovich (Ohio), and Lugar (Indiana). That means five more Republican votes will be needed, and it’s anyone’s guess as to who they will be or whether it’s even possible.

Even though I think it’s bad politics, I can sort of understand the Republican desire to obstruct President Obama from accomplishing anything. But this time they’ve stepped over the line. This time they’re playing a dangerous game of international political chicken. I wonder if they know that — or even care.

[Rag Blog contributor Ted McLaughlin also posts at jobsanger.]

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BOOKS / Robert Jensen: The Commons as Kinder-and-Gentler Capitalism


All That We Share isn’t enough:
The Commons as kinder-and-gentler capitalism?

By Robert Jensen / The Rag Blog / December 20, 2010

[All That We Share: A Field Guide to the Commons/How to Save the Economy, the Environment, the Internet, Democracy, Our Communities, and Everything Else That Belongs to All of Us, by Jay Walljasper and On the Commons (The New Press, 2010), 288 pages, $18.95.]

All That We Share is an exciting and exasperating book. The excitement comes from the many voices arguing to place “the commons” at the center of planning for a viable future. The exasperation comes from the volume’s failure to critique the political and economic systems that we must transcend if there is to be a future for the commons.

In the preface, the book’s editor and primary writer, Jay Walljasper, describes how he came to understand the commons as a “unifying theme” that helped him see the world differently and led him to believe that “as more people become aware of it, the commons will spark countless initiatives that make a difference for the future of our communities and the planet.”

Defining the commons as “what we share” physically and culturally — from the air and water to the internet and open-source software — the contributors recognize that a society that defines success by individuals’ accumulation of stuff will erode our humanity and destroy the planet’s ecosystems.

Walljasper calls for a “complete retooling” and “a paradigm shift that revises the core principles that guide our culture top to bottom.” No argument there. Unfortunately the book avoids addressing the specific paradigms we must confront. Is commons-based transformation possible within a capitalist economy based on predatory principles and an industrial production model built on easy access to cheap concentrated energy?

The book appears to offer a kinder-and-gentler capitalism with more regulated markets, but there is no attempt to wrestle with the effects of the corrosive and unsustainable principles — unlimited greed and endless growth — on which capitalism is based.

Can we expect those core principles of the system to magically evaporate? Why will the commons become the domain of popular movements rather than corporations? If there is no attention to the inherently predatory nature of capitalism, it’s difficult to imagine how people will win out over profit.

There’s also little in the book about the need to shift from the industrial mode of production, which has generated the material comfort taken for granted by most in the First World. A sustainable commons-based society requires dramatic reductions in consumption, but contributors rarely address the scope of the change necessary (with the exception of Winona LaDuke’s essay on efforts to rebuild indigenous life at the Anishinaabeg White Earth Reservation). Forget about critiquing the lifestyles of the rich and famous — the commons can’t sustain the lifestyles of ordinary folks in a high-energy/high-technology world.

The problem is not that “the commons” isn’t a valuable concept, but that it is not a substitute for analysis of the political and economic systems that degrade the commons. The book is right to call for local experiments in cooperative living (I spend considerable time and energy on such projects), but as we pursue those experiments within the existing systems, we have to be honest about the limits of those systems and not fear being labeled radical. Radical analysis is not an intellectual indulgence but a practical necessity.

As a model for “commoners,” Walljasper cites the right-wing forces’ ideological campaign in the late 20th century to shape the market fundamentalism that eventually became state policy. He suggests that today “large numbers of people of diverse ideological stripes” can rally behind the commons, which may be true.

But right-wing forces didn’t assemble people of different ideological stripes; they pushed an openly reactionary analysis and had a clear political and economic program. Just as they defended capitalism to the detriment of the commons, a countermovement has to openly critique capitalism to serve the commons. Just as they took the industrial model as a given, a countermovement has to question that model openly.

It may be that the commons has the power to transform people’s consciousness as Walljasper seems to hope, but hanging one’s analysis and political hopes — as the book’s long subtitle suggests — on that concept strikes me as evasion rather than engagement. In the end, we have to come to terms with capitalism and the industrial model that are deeply entrenched in the United States. That can’t be done obliquely but must be confronted head-on.

[Robert Jensen is a journalism professor at the University of Texas at Austin and board member of the Third Coast Activist Resource Center in Austin. He is the author of All My Bones Shake: Seeking a Progressive Path to the Prophetic Voice, (Soft Skull Press, 2009) and Getting Off: Pornography and the End of Masculinity (South End Press, 2007); Jensen is also co-producer of the documentary film Abe Osheroff: One Foot in the Grave, the Other Still Dancing, which chronicles the life and philosophy of the longtime radical activist. Robert Jensen can be reached at rjensen@uts.cc.utexas.edu.]

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Marc Estrin : Kicking the Dog

Image from Photobucket.

Passing of the lantern:
Kicking the dog

By Marc Estrin / The Rag Blog / December 20, 2010

So Julian Assange is now without his passport, braceleted under house arrest, waiting for the Wheels of Injustice to slowly grind. At this point, his story is not so much that of killing the messenger (though that is what many in the U.S. are calling for), as that of kicking the dog.

The dog in question was Julian’s close ancestor, Diogenes, a contentious fanatic foolish enough to spend his life with a lantern, looking unsuccessfully for “an honest man.” Some say he sought “a human being.” His writings did not survive, but there are legends.

Notorious for his provocative behavior, people called him a dog, a nickname he embraced. “Other dogs,” he said, “bite their enemies. I bite my friends to save them.”

He wasn’t kind to his enemies either. At a sumptuous dinner given by a wealthy man, a guest became so outraged by Diogenes’ behavior that he began to throw bones to “the dog.” The philosopher got up, lifted his leg and toga, and took a leak on him.

Like Assange’s, Diogenes’ life was a relentless campaign to promote reason and virtue, and to debunk the values and institutions of a corrupt society. In doing so he disregarded laws, customs, conventions, public opinion, reputation, honor and personal dishonor.

Political authority was a main target for both — its folly, pretense, selfishness, vanity, self-deception, corruption, and artificiality of conduct. Diogenes said: “Those who have virtue always in their mouth, and neglect it in practice, are like a harp which emits a sound pleasing to others, while being itself deaf to the music.”

So together the dogs — Diogenes and Assange — challenge the false coin of human morality, sharing Socrates’ belief that one can be a doctor to men’s souls, and morally improve humanity, while being contemptuous of its behavior.

Sitting alone in a Dickensian prison, or now with wi-fi in a mansion, Assange has not yet been assassinated, as many have called for. He may or may not end like Socrates, taken out by the State. But Diogenes lived a long while, and one hopes the same may be true for Julian Assange.

One legend of Diogenes’ death is that, at 90, he committed suicide by holding his breath. If or when Assange does die, it will likely be because he, too, is no longer allowed to breathe, speak, or leak out his documents.

[Marc Estrin is a writer, activist, and cellist, living in Burlington, Vermont. His novels, Insect Dreams, The Half Life of Gregor Samsa, The Education of Arnold Hitler, Golem Song, and The Lamentations of Julius Marantz have won critical acclaim. His memoir, Rehearsing With Gods: Photographs and Essays on the Bread & Puppet Theater (with Ron Simon, photographer) won a 2004 theater book of the year award. He is currently working on a novel about the dead Tchaikovsky.]

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Harvey Wasserman : Our Gay Commander-in-Chief

President James Buchanan. Image from Encyclopedia Dickensonia.

‘Mister Fancy’ James Buchanan:
Our gay Commander-in-Chief

By Harvey Wasserman / The Rag Blog / December 20, 2010

As “conservatives” scream and yell about gays in the military, they might remember that in all likelihood we have already had a gay Commander-in-Chief.

His name was James Buchanan. He was the 15th President of the United States.

A Democrat from Pennsylvania, Buchanan is discreetly referred to in official texts as “our only bachelor president.”

In fact, many historians believe that he may well have been “married” to William Rufus King, a pro-slavery Democrat from Alabama who was our only bachelor Vice President.

The two men lived together for years. Andrew Jackson, never one to shy from bullhorn bigotry, was among those who variously referred to them as “Aunt Nancy” and “Mr. Fancy.” Other Washington wags called them “Mr. and Mrs. Buchanan,” and the like.

The nature of their relationship was never officially confirmed or proclaimed in public. They were widely referred to as “Siamese twins,” slang at the time for a gay couple. But there was no incriminating gap dress or heartfelt double-ring ceremony, civil or otherwise. It was not uncommon at the time for men and women of the same gender to live together and even share a bed while remaining sexually uninvolved.

Buchanan was once engaged to marry a wealthy young woman named Ann Coleman. But the complex affair ended with her mysterious, untimely death. When King became ambassador to France in 1844, Buchanan complained that “I have gone wooing to several gentlemen, but have not succeeded with any of them.”

With no Moral Majority or Bible thumping fundamentalists to plague them, the King-Buchanan liaison was generally embraced as a political and personal fact of life in a nation consumed with real issues of life and death, freedom and slavery.

In 1852 King was elected as Franklin Pierce’s Vice President. But on an official mission, King contracted a fever and died, leaving Buchanan alone and deeply distraught.

In 1856, Buchanan defeated John C. Fremont, the first presidential candidate from the new Republican Party. Buchanan did not run for reelection in 1860, when Abraham Lincoln was the victor.

Buchanan’s presidency was plagued by economic and sectional disaster. He was a “doughface” northerner with sympathies for southern slavery. Devoted to consensus and compromise, he was swept away by the intense polarization that led to Civil War.

Through his entire time in the White House, President Buchanan lived alone. His niece served as “First Lady.” He stayed unmarried, and had his personal letters burned upon his death, prompting further speculation on his sexual orientation.

Maybe it’s time those legislators who have been so fiercely opposed to gays in the military face the high likelihood that at least one Commander in Chief would probably be among them.

[Harvey Wasserman’s History of the United States S is at www.harveywasserman.com, along with Passions of the Potsmoking Patriots “Thomas Paine,” which portrays George Washington as a gay potsmoker.]

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Kate Braun : Yule 2010 is Time of Great Energy

Commemorate change with items associated with the Holly King.

Celebrating Lord Sun’s rebirth and
capturing the energy of Yule 2010

By Kate Braun / The Rag Blog / December 20, 2010

“Troll the ancient Yuletide carol, fa la la la la, la la la la”

Tuesday, December 21, 2010, is Yule. It is a Full Wishing Moon and a Lunar Eclipse. Eclipses are times of major changes; Full Moons are times of realizing intentions; Tuesday is Tyr’s day and this Norse god may be considered comparable to Mars as he is a warrior, the god of single combat. All in all, Yule 2010 is a time of Great Energy. The challenge is how to capture and use this energy in positive ways.

The emphasis of this celebration is Lord Sun’s rebirth, signaling the end of the Time That Is No Time. Decorations and themes associated with Yule involve symbolism reflecting change, evolution, the turning of the Wheel of Life, renewal, and light.

Use evergreens (real, if possible), sprigs of holly, mistletoe, 8-spoked wheels, and candles (red, white, green) in your decorations. One of the ways to commemorate changes is to use items associated with the Holly King and the Oak King.

The Holly King, God of the Waning Year, traditionally wears a sprig of holly in his hat, wears red clothing, and drives a sled pulled by 8 reindeer (representing the 8-spoked Wheel of Life). He will be supplanted by the Oak King, God of the Waxing Year, at the end of their ritual battle or dance. Similarly, the full lunar eclipse brings darkness from which light emerges.

I recommend you include activities representing change, rebalancing, and forward motion in your program for this celebration. Prepare to let go of whatever it is that you no longer need. Let the light of Lord Sun and a full Lady Moon pull you from the Past into the Now and on into the Future.

Serve your guests a robust feast including roast meat, apples, nuts, cider and/or Wassail. You will want to raise a toast to Lord Sun on this day welcoming his return and the prosperity associated with that return.

An incense to burn during this celebration may be made by mixing together 2 T. dried pine needles, 1 T red sandalwood chips, 1 T. cedar chips. To this mixture add 20 drops Frankincense oil, 10 drops Myrrh oil, 5 drops Cinnamon oil, 5 drops Allspice oil, 5 drops Pine oil. Stir all together and then add 2 T. Frankincense resin.

Let the mixture “cure” for a day or two before using. Drop the incense onto a heated charcoal tablet and use a feather to waft the smoke around you and your guests. Focus your energies on themes such as: Balance, Renewal, Positive Change.

[Kate Braun’s website is www.tarotbykatebraun.com. She can be reached at kate_braun2000@yahoo.com.]

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By Kate Braun / The Rag Blog

“Troll the ancient Yuletide carol, fa la la la la, la la la la”

Tuesday, December 21, 2010, is Yule. It is a Full Wishing Moon and a Lunar Eclipse. Eclipses are times of major changes; Full Moons are times of realizing intentions; Tuesday is Tyr’s day and this Norse god may be considered comparable to Mars as he is a warrior, the god of single combat. All in all, Yule 2010 is a time of Great Energy. The challenge is how to capture and use this energy in positive ways.

The emphasis of this celebration is Lord Sun’s rebirth, signaling the end of the Time That Is No Time. Decorations and themes associated with Yule involve symbolism reflecting change, evolution, the turning of the Wheel of Life, renewal, and light.

Use evergreens (real, if possible), sprigs of holly, mistletoe, eight-spoked wheels, and candles (red, white, green) in your decorations. One of the ways to commemorate changes is to use items associated with the Holly King and the Oak King. The Holly King, God of the Waning Year, traditionally wears a sprig of holly in his hat, wears red clothing, and drives a sled pulled by eight reindeer (representing the eight-spoked Wheel of Life). He will be supplanted by the Oak King, God of the Waxing Year, at the end of their ritual battle or dance.

Similarly, the full lunar eclipse brings darkness from which light emerges. I recommend you include activities representing change, rebalancing, and forward motion in your program for this celebration. Prepare to let go of whatever it is that you no longer need. Let the light of Lord Sun and a full Lady Moon pull you from the Past into the Now and on into the Future.

Serve your guests a robust feast including roast meat, apples, nuts, cider and/or Wassail. You will want to raise a toast to Lord Sun on this day welcoming his return and the prosperity associated with that return.

An incense to burn during this celebration may be made by mixing together 2 T. dried pine needles, 1 T red sandalwood chips, 1 T. cedar chips. To this mixture add 20 drops Frankincense oil, 10 drops Myrrh oil, 5 drops Cinnamon oil, 5 drops Allspice oil, 5 drops Pine oil. Stir all together and then add 2 T. Frankincense resin.

Let the mixture “cure” for a day or two before using. Drop the incense onto a heated charcoal tablet and use a feather to waft the smoke around you and your guests. Focus your energies on themes such as: Balance, Renewal, Positive Change.

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Carlos Calbillo : On the Passing of Carlos Guerra

“America’s friendliest angry looking retired columnist… and feared by fish.” — Carlos Guerra, on Twitter.

Columnist and Sixties Chicano
activist Carlos Guerra dies

See “Memories from ‘the day’: On the passing of Carlos Guerra,” by Carlos Calbillo / The Rag Blog, Below.

Carlos Guerra, 63, an icon of the Sixties Chicano movement, a former columnist for the San Antonio Express-News, and a leader in social justice issues throughout his life, died December 6, in Port Aransas, Texas.

Arnold Garcia, Jr., wrote in the Austin American-Statesman that Carlos Guerra “was a student activist, grant writer, political organizer, fundraiser, legislative aide, jeweler, opinion writer and a pretty darned good cook.” And, Garcia said, Guerra “was a man whose intellect — like his humor — refused to recognize boundaries.”

Guerra was, according to the Texas Observer’s Melissa Del Bosque, “one of the first prominent Latino columnists in American newspapers,” and was “one of Texas’ most recognizable voices and a role model for countless younger journalists.” In an obituary, the San Antonio Express-News said that Guerra “was an outspoken advocate for increased access to higher education, environmental issues and Latino participation in government and politics.”

Guerra, who grew up in Robstown, Texas, became an early leader in the Sixties Chicano movement. He was national chairman of the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO) and worked with La Raza Unida Party, serving as chairman of Ramsey Muniz’s second race for Texas governor.

At a memorial service for Carlos Guerra December 11 at Palo Alto College in San Antonio, former Raza Unida leader Mario Campeon said, “He stood for the well-being of others, particularly the poor. He fought…the fierce discrimination that existed at that time.” “All of us of that generation had the passion,” said Campeon, “but Carlos was also a gifted speaker in articulating the agenda of the Chicano movement.”

Thorne Dreyer / The Rag Blog / December 15, 2010

Carlos Guerra on the cover of Caracol, a Texas-based Chicano literary/news magazine from the 1970s. Image from National Association of Hispanic Journalists.

Memories from ‘the day’:
On the passing of Carlos Guerra

By Carlos Calbillo / The Rag Blog / December 15, 2010

The 60’s of course were a different time, and we as thinking young people were being influenced and bombarded by the dominant American culture: the music, the militancy — revolution was in the air — and of course the fashion. We wore bell bottoms, paisley shirts, and desert boots with our serapes and brown berets. We were young and crazy — some of us actually idealistic — trying to find a new way in the reality that was Texas of the times.

This society we perceived as intolerably oppressive and it definitely seemed to us “enlightened” youth to be designed to keep brown and black people down. So we took up “arms” against it, much to the horror of our parents and other “gente decente,” such as LULAC and their ilk.

I met Carlos Guerra at some of these early confabs of the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO), and since the Houston MAYO cadres were urban and “hippie-ish,” many of us either didn’t speak Spanish or did so haltingly. When I began to attend MAYO actions in the small communities across South Texas (small compared to Houston) and discovered that some of the MAYO hermanos/hermanas spoke mostly Spanish, perhaps out of nationalistic zeal, I — and many of the Houston MAYOs — would become uncomfortable.

One time we traveled to Robstown, Texas, to support a rally protesting the racist school system, which of course was designed not to educate our people, but to serve as an institutional bludgeon to keep us Mexicans down and ignorant. Robstown was a perfect example of a small Texas town where the population was overwhelmingly Mexican-American yet the economics and politics were tightly controlled by the gringo establishment.

The rally was being held in front of the MAYO headquarters in a down and out barrio and about 100 community people, parents, and students were there, very pissed, carrying protest signs in English and in Spanish. Robstown MAYO chieftain Mateo Vega was delivering a fiery bilingual speech and rant.

The Robstown police, represented by several big white guys in coats, ties, and sunglasses — and wearing very large pistols prominently on their belts — were walking around taking our pictures and generally acting like racist thugs out of central casting.

Carlos Guerra was there of course and afterwards we all met to debrief. I will never forget that, unlike the linguistic ideologues who considered those of us from Houston to be culturally pendejos, he was a firme vato who looked upon us, his urban hermanitos, not with scorn or disgust, but with a loving bemusement — and with an open attitude of inclusion.

Carlos of course was completely tri-lingual and spoke not only English perfectly but also a beautiful Texas Spanish and a stunning pachuco cálo.

From the beginning, Carlos understood the need to unite and not to fight, something that we in the current political arena and climate sometimes appear to forget.

Texas DPS surveillance photo of MAYO/Raza Unida leaders meeting on the campgrounds at Garner State Park, 1970. Carlos Guerra is in the rear, leaning to the right.

CLICK ON IMAGE TO ENLARGE

Another incident I remember with my friend “Charlie War” — as some of us jokingly called him — was when MAYO and La Raza Unida Party had finally succeeded in taking over Crystal City and surrounding towns, and even entire counties, and Jose Angel Gutierrez called for all chapters to meet and to discuss future strategy at Garner State Park.

It was a beautiful setting with picnic tables under the great oak trees and we munched on barbacoa and tripitas as Jose Angel led us in discussion. We had all noticed several unmarked police vehicles on the periphery and we could see and even hear their cameras — with telephoto lenses — clicking away.

Eventually, Carlos Guerra and several others, including myself, made our way over to the parking lot at Garner where most of us had parked our junky cars. The lot filled suddenly with uniformed DPS troupers who began to berate, intimidate, and bait us in the way that only they knew how to do.

They went around writing down the license plate numbers of all of our cars, which they seemed to know well. Being new to this kind of political intimidation, I freaked out and began to back off. Carlos Guerra fearlessly went up to these PENsadores and began an attempt to educate them on the rights of American citizens to peacefully assemble, our right to meet without fear of governmental interference or intimidation.

Several of these sons of Texas seemed shocked and taken aback that their “right” to harass us was being challenged by this long-haired hippie who seemed not to fear them or anything else for that matter. They became very upset but apparently couldn’t come up with an excuse to arrest Carlos in front of witnesses; they muttered something and left.

Every time we visited Robstown, Carlos was there ready to assist us, his urban MAYO brothers and sisters, with a meal or with a place to crash. There have been many — and will be many more — remembrances of Carlos Guerra, incredible tales, profound and funny adventures, many of them even true. For those of us who were touched by his life, it goes without saying that we, and I for one, will never forget his wit, his love, and his example.

To paraphrase the bard (some vato from Inglatierra): “He was a man, take him for all in all, I shall not look upon his like again.”

Amen y con safos. Descanse en paz, hermanito en una raza que pronto llegará a ser verdaderamente unida, porque si se puede…

[Carlos Calbillo is a filmmaking instructor and filmmaker living and working in his hometown of Houston, Texas. He is currently working on a documentary film on emerging Latino political power in Houston and Texas. He can be reached at laszlomurdock@hotmail.com]

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VERSE / Gregg Barrios : Free Ramsey Now!

1972 campaign poster for Ramsey Muniz, Raza Unida candidate for governor of Texas.

FREE RAMSEY NOW!

By Gregg Barrios

When all is said and done
when you and I are dead,
your legend will remain
a true Chicano son.

It never was just us
it was you, me y todos
who believed our time
had come – and it had.

But politics is a fickle
whore who knocks on
every door for a quick
trip around the whirl.

You were the poster
boy for el movimiento
madres y palomilla all
voted La Raza Unida.

Ramsey for Governor
de Tejas was the rally
and the cry until they
put a spell on you.

We stood in disbelief
the gutless cynics
said you betrayed us
by not fighting back.

But where were we
when you received
a life sentence for
drug-trafficking?

Free Peltier, simón que sí.
Free Angela, right on, bro.
Free Ramsey Muñiz, and
the silence is deafening.

No solidarity or support
from those whose road
you paved, now elected
judges, mayors y mas.

Watching them on TV,
I wonder how and why
they lost their raza roots,
cut their native tongue.

I remembered the exiled
brothers Flores Magón
true architects and heroes
de la Revolución jailed.

A century later, you
occupy the same cell
at Leavenworth for a life
sentence of confinement.

We don’t know how to
honor our leaders alive
only after they’re dead
and buried en el olvido.

I saw a documentary on
PBS today a clip of your
vibrant face did express
real strength and grace.

Your voice had been erased
as if truth could cause riots
or upheaval in the realization
of how much we left undone.

When all is said and done
when you and I are dead,
your legend will remain
a true Chicano son.

— Gregg Barrios / The Rag Blog
Posted December 15, 2010

Ramsey Muniz arrives at Nueces County Jail in handcuffs, December 28, 1976.

Ramsey Muniz was a Chicano activist, a civil rights attorney, and twice the Raza Unida Party candidate for governor of Texas, receiving six percent of the vote in 1972. Famed attorney Dick DeGuerin said Muniz “changed the face of politics in Texas. He gave power of inclusion to Hispanic Americans.” Muniz was convicted in 1976 on drug charges resulting from a controversial sting operation carried out by the DEA, and in 1994 was given life without parole after a third drug conviction.

[San Antonio poet, playwright, and journalist Gregg Barrios wrote for The Rag in Sixties Austin. Gregg is on the board of directors of the National Book Critics Circle. His new book of poetry, in which this poem is included, is La Causa (Hansen, 2010).]

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Tom Hayden : Julian Assange and the Lynch-Mob Moment

The lynch mob in Frankenstein. Is Julian Assange next?

The lynch-mob moment:
The frenzy over Julian Assange and WikiLeaks

By Tom Hayden / The Rag Blog / December 15, 2010

We know that conservatives are extremists for order, but why have so many liberals lost their minds and joined the frenzy over Julian Assange and WikiLeaks? As the secrets of power are unmasked, there is a growing bipartisan demand that Julian Assange must die.

Once-liberal Democrat Bob Beckel said on FOX that someone should “illegally shoot the son-of-a-bitch.” A few days ago center-liberal legal analyst Jeffrey Toobin said on CNN that Assange is “absurd, ridiculous, delusional, and well beyond our sympathy.” The Washington Times called for treating him as an “enemy combatant”; Rep. Peter King of the Homeland Security Committee wants him prosecuted as a terrorist; and of course, Sarah Palin wants him hunted down like Osama Bin Ladin or a wolf in Alaska.

This is a lynch mob moment, when the bloodlust runs over. We have this mad overreaction many times since the witch burnings and Jim Crow, including the Palmer Raids of the 1920s, the McCarthy purges of the 1950s, the Nixon-era conspiracy trials, the Watergate break- ins, and the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq after 9/11.

Most Americans know now that those periods of frenzy and scapegoating did nothing for our security but damaged our democracy and left in their wake a secretive National Security State.

There’s wisdom in expecting calmer heads to prevail in the WikiLeaks matter, but what can be done when the calmer heads are going nuts or hiding in silence?

Do the frothing pundits remember that we have a legal system in which the accused is entitled to due process, legal representation, and the right to a defense? The first obligation of our threatened elected officials, bureaucrats and pundits is to calm down.

No one has died as a result of the WikiLeaks disclosures. But the escalation by the prosecutors in this case could lead to an escalation, with more sensitive documents being released in a retaliatory spiral of this first cyber-war. Imprisoning the messenger will amplify his message and further threats of execution.

I can understand the reasonable questions that reasonable people have about this case. It is clearly illegal to release and distribute the 15,652 documents stamped as “secret.” Why should underground whistleblowers have the unlimited right to release those documents? There is a risk that some individuals might be harmed by the release? There is a concern that ordinary diplomatic business might be interrupted.

All fair questions. These concerns have to be weighed against two considerations, it seems to me. First, how important is the content of the documents? And how serious is the secrecy system in preventing our right to know more about the policies — especially wars — being carried out in our name? And finally, is there a reasonable alternative to letting the secrets mount, such as pursuing the “transparency” agenda, which the White House purports to support?

Let me weigh these questions with regard to the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, and the “Long War” scenario that has occupied my full attention these past nine years.

It will be remembered that the Iraq War was based on fabricated evidence by U.S. and British intelligence services, the Bush-Cheney White House, and even The New York Times through the deceptive reporting of Judith Miller. The leading television media invited top military officials to provide the nightly narrative of the war lest their be any doubts in the mesmerized audience.

Secrecy and false narratives were crucial to the invasions, special operations, renditions, tortures, and mass detentions that plunged us into the quagmires where we now are stranded. The secret-keepers were incompetent to protect our national security, even when cables warned of an immanent attack by hijacked airliners.

The secrecy grew like a cancer on democracy. Earlier this year, the Washington Post reported in “Top-Secret America” that there were 854,000 people with top- security clearances. [William Arkin, Dana Priest, “Top Secret America,” Washington Post, July 19, 2010] That was the tip of the iceberg. The number of new secrets rose 75% between 1996 and 2009, to 183, 224; the number of documents using those secrets has exploded from 5.6 million in 1996 to 54.6 million last year. [Time, December 13, 2010] The secrecy cult appears uncontrollable: the Clinton executive order 12958 [1995] gave only 20 officials the power to stamp documents top-secret, but those 20 could delegate the power to 1,336 others, while a “derivative” procedure extended the power to 3 million more officials and contractors. [Time, December 13, 2010]

The 1917 U.S. espionage statute requires that Assange received secret documents and willfully, with bad faith, intended to harm the United States by releasing “national defense information.” That’s a tough standard. Perhaps in order to close what U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder describes as “gaps in our laws,” the State Department sent a letter demanding that Assange cease the releases, return all classified documents and destroy any records on WikiLeaks databases. [Washington Post, November 30, 2010]

These are difficult legal hurdles for the Justice Department under the First Amendment, but, according to a source close to the defense with experience in such cases, it seems clear that the U.S. government will prosecute Assange with every tool at their disposal, perhaps even rendition.

“What President Obama needs is a photo of Assange in chains brought into a federal court,” the source said.

[U.K. prosecutors seeking to overturn a ruling granting bail to Assange will have their appeal heard by a London judge tomorrow, December 16.]

Should there be an attempt to extradite Assange, he has the right to appeal to the European Court of Human Rights.

Assange has a very strong base of support in London where public anger over the fabrications that led to war still runs high. An extradition fight in London could carry on for weeks, providing an important platform for the defense. Or the UK government could take the risk of an accelerated emergency deportation process to send him to Stockholm, or even the U.S. in the most extreme scenario.

If Assange winds up in Stockholm, it could take several weeks to fight his way through a bizarre and complicated sexual harassment trial. Anything is possible there, from all charges being dropped, to the finding of a technical infraction, to jail time. Or Sweden could make an emergency finding to extradite him straight to the U.S., risking an adverse public reaction for serving as to a handmaiden of the Pentagon.

In the atmosphere of hysteria ahead, it is important for peace and justice advocates to remember and share what Americans owe to Julian Assange and WikiLeaks.

  1. WikiLeaks has disclosed 390,136 classified documents about the Iraq War and 76,607 about Afghanistan so far. No one died as a result of these disclosures, one of which revealed another 15,000 civilian casualties in Iraq which had not been acknowledged or reported before;
  2. Fragmentary orders [FRAGO] 242 and 039 instructed American troops not to investigate torture in Iraq conducted by America’s allies;
  3. The CIA operates a secret army of 3,000 in Afghanistan;
  4. A secret U.S. Task Force 373 is assigned to nighttime hunter-killer raids in Afghanistan;
  5. The U.S. ambassador in Kabul says it is impossible to fix corruption when our ally is the corrupt entity;
  6. One Afghan minister alone carried $52 million out of the country;
  7. U.S. Special Forces operate in Pakistan without public acknowledgment, apparently in violation of that country’s sovereignty;
  8. America’s ally, Pakistan, is the chief protector of the Taliban in Afghanistan.
  9. Following secret U.S. air strikes against suspected al-Qaeda militants, Yeme’s President Ali Abdullah Saleh told General David Petraeus, “We’ll continue saying the bombs are ours, not yours.”

The secretive wars exposed by WikiLeaks will cost $159.3 billion in the coming fiscal year, and several trillion dollars since 2001. The American death toll in Afghanistan will reach 500 this year, or 50 per month, for a total of 1,423, and 9,583 wounded overall — over half of the wounded during this year alone. The Iraq War has left 4,430 U.S. soldiers dead and 32,000 wounded as of today. The civilian casualties are ignored, but range in the hundreds of thousands of Iraqis, Afghans, and Pakistanis.

Is it possible that Julian Assange is the scapegoat for arrogant American officials who would rather point the fingers of blame than see the blood on their own hands? What else can explain their frenzy to see Assange dead?

It may be too late to prevent an escalation. The lynch mob is rabid, terrorized by what they cannot control, completely out of balance, at their most dangerous. If they realize their darkest desires, they will make Assange a martyr — a “warrior for openness” — in the new age now beginning. A legion of hackers are fingering their Send buttons in response, and who can say what flood they may release?

The trial of Julian Assange is becoming a trial of secrecy itself. Wherever the line is drawn, secrecy has become the mask of power, and without new rules, the revolt of the hackers will continue.

[Tom Hayden is a former California state senator and leader of Sixties peace, justice, and environmental movements. He currently teaches at Pitzer College in Los Angeles. His latest book is The Long Sixties. This article was also published at The Nation and Progressive America Rising.]

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David P. Hamilton : My Remission and the Business of American Medicine

Graphic from The Patient’s Doctor.

Rheumatoid arthritis, my remission,
and the business of American medicine

Their deficiencies, spawned by the system’s economic organization, might be more tolerable if doctors didn’t so often act like they had been anointed by God with special powers to save your life provided you have a deferential attitude and the right insurance.

By David P. Hamilton / The Rag Blog / December 15, 2010

Over two years ago I was diagnosed with rheumatoid arthritis (RA). According to all rheumatologists, it is an incurable and progressively degenerative disease. These alleged specialists earn an average of $224,000 a year “treating” it. They confidently assert that once you have RA, it’s permanent and dealing with it becomes the dominating feature of your remaining life.

With RA, your immune system inexplicably short-circuits and attacks your own body, particularly in the joints of the arms and legs. The onset of the disease requires a genetic predisposition and a triggering incident. Three months previous to the RA diagnosis, I had hip replacement surgery. In conformity with the apparent professional secret code to cover for colleagues, no doctor I’ve asked has been willing to speculate on the possibility of that being the trigger.

The RA diagnosis was based on several assumptions. Since I had it, it was assumed I had some triggering incident and the required gene, although I’m aware of no genetic test being done or speculation on what may have been the trigger. The hip replacement surgeon, whose specialty averages over $600,000 a year, performed his task with great technical skill, but failed to mention RA as a possible side effect.

The diagnosis of RA is not made in a casual manner. It is quite scientific and quantifiable on the basis of a blood test to determine your “rheumatoid factor”. For men, above the score of 30 is positive. At one point, I was 176. Once you’re positive, it is “standard medical practice” to never test for that factor again, based on the assumption that the disease is always chronic, so further tests would be superfluous.

When I asked for a new test after months without symptoms or medications, my rheumatologist at first resisted, but acceded to my request since she had a blood lab on site at the VA. The new “rheumatoid factor” reading was down to 27. She declined to speculate on the cause of the score dropping. A few months later, it was back to 94, but I still had no symptoms.

RA won’t kill you in a few months or even years. However, it hastens one’s general physical deterioration leading to earlier death from something else. Along the way it cripples you and makes you wish you were dead because you can’t walk or use your hands. It is also quite painful and disfiguring. Not the Last Act one would choose.

Conventional American medical wisdom is that the pace of the inevitable degeneration caused by RA can be slowed only by the use of drugs so toxic as to require frequent tests of one’s liver function, if any. Rheumatologists offer no cure and no allopathic physician ever gave me the slightest reason to hope that I would ever be well again, let alone be playing tennis and strolling the boulevards of Paris without pain.

Yet, today I have had no symptoms in well over a year, remain athletic, haven’t taken pharmaceuticals for RA for over a year and recently returned from two months in France, celebrating my remission, which included many such strolls. My last rheumatologist has dismissed me from her care “until further notice,” her way of warning me that it may return. My general practitioner calls my recovery “truly remarkable,” but has no explanation. Getting well, even if it is only temporary, while consistently rejecting medical advice was never considered a reasonable option.

Both the rheumatologists I saw recommended I take methotrexate. This drug was first developed in the late 1940’s to treat cancer. It was FDA-approved for the treatment of RA in 1988 and remains “the gold standard” of RA treatment. It was once a breakthrough in cancer treatment, but that was over a half century ago and cancer chemotherapy has come a very long way since then. According to Wikipedia, methotrexate “inhibits the synthesis of DNA, RNA, thymidylates, and proteins.” Not exactly the stuff one takes to return the body to a natural state of balance.

The first rheumatologist I saw was the local big wheel of the specialty with the big office on the central lobby of the first floor of the big private medical center of which he very likely owns a big part. First, he sent me to various of his colleagues in the facility for multiple expensive tests, sometimes of questionable necessity, thus helping enrich his co-owners who operate large and expensive pieces of medical diagnostic machinery and their collective corporate enterprise.

After this process, he prescribed the same stuff he prescribes to almost everyone, methotrexate. That’s what he does most days, over and over, for those big bucks. He looked justifiably bored. He had absolutely no advice for me besides taking that caustic pharmaceutical, only grudgingly conceding that fish oil might have some limited benefit.

When asked if walking would be a good form of exercise for me, he responded, “It won’t do much harm as long as you can tolerate the pain.” When I suggested employing a less invasive, more holistic regimen for starters, he dismissed such approaches as having “no scientific basis,” the sooner I started on the methotrexate the better, and I’d probably be on it for the rest of my life. Of course, I fired him, walking out after telling him I’d seek other opinions.

My second rheumatologist was at the local VA clinic. Since I’m a veteran and she’s a VA doctor on salary, she had to put up with me regardless of my routinely and overtly not following her advice either. Being able to talk back to your doctor without being thrown out into the street is a seldom recognized benefit of socialized medicine.

She wanted me to take methotrexate too. I again refused and requested her guidance in a more holistic approach. She willingly acknowledged having no special training in the use of “alternative therapies.” Apparently, in the official parlance, “alternative” is anything other than stuffing yourself with chemical combinations that are by definition toxic.

She did, however, loan me a book from her own library put out by the Arthritis Foundation that evaluated such alternatives. [Alternative Therapies for Arthritis by Dorothy Foltz-Gray, Arthritis Foundation.] She also gave me a stack of pamphlets describing each pharmaceutical commonly used to treat RA and asked me to decide which, if any, I would agree to take. Her attitude seemed a great leap forward, a willingness to enter into the aberrant state of patient directed medical care. Maybe she had no choice, but she was an empathetic woman, and that was progress.

I expected the book to be a smear on holistic therapies. Surprisingly, the author tried to strike a pose of tolerance, likely in deference to the widespread resort to alternative remedies by RA patients dissatisfied with conventional pharmaceutical approaches. Much of the evidence cited was inconclusive, but you could get the drift of what they thought was fraudulent and what they thought might help.

There are lots of natural anti-inflammatories, but nothing that anyone would claim cures RA. The book inspired me to buy a round of exotic supplements like borage oil and stinging nettle extract. The combination of several such concoctions did nothing noticeable about my RA but may be implicated in a subsequent attack of diarrhea. My cynicism in regards to American allopathic medicine began to spread to its alternatives.

More important, the book let slip a closely guarded secret that rheumatologists are loath to acknowledge — that some RA patients go into complete spontaneous remission, at least for long periods of time, and the medical specialists don’t know why. This is not so surprising when you realize they don’t know what starts it either.

There are various definitions of “RA remission,” one of which has the patient asymptomatic, but on the heavy drugs. These variations cloud the issue somewhat, but there are indeed a small percentage of people diagnosed with RA, perhaps as much as 10%, that experience “spontaneous remission,” meaning that they did it outside the guidelines of established medical practice. Medical journal articles on RA remission sometimes throw these cases out of their studies since they distract from their focus on what expensive new pharmaceutical might be effective.

It bothered me that until recently the most common drugs used to treat RA were originally developed to treat something else. Also troubling in my case was that RA strikes many more women than men and usually hits people before they are 50. I was a 64 year-old guy, way outside the standard pattern. My doctors offered no explanation for this anomaly. It all gave me the impression that rheumatology was less than a precise science and that its practitioners didn’t have a very solid grip on causes or effective treatments, regardless of their standard pose of all-knowingness.

The question to me was how to be among that small group that somehow got well without resort to the standard pharmaceutical regimen. There were many ideas floating about the internet, but no clear path. For example, there were numerous dietary suggestions. Many claimed their particular diet had beneficial effects on RA, but none claimed it cured it. Although some foods were suggested repeatedly (e.g., fish oil, avocados), the diets varied widely and in some cases were contradictory. There was no shortage of suggestions, often endorsed with great certitude by alternative true believers.

Over the course of a year, my body somehow healed itself despite continued positive blood tests for RA. I don’t know how. It was probably some genetic luck. I simply took good care of myself. My approach was eclectic; some of this, some of that, but not methotrexate or anything similar.

I improved what was already a very rich organic, whole grain, localavore diet, became more disciplined about my exercise routine, added some of the suggested supplements to my preexisting supplement regimen, tried to keep my stress level down and adopted a fighting spirit. Nothing revolutionary. Just enhancements to what I had already been doing, including the maintenance of our 400 square foot kitchen garden.

For almost a year I took what seemed to me to be the most benign of the recommended RA prescription drugs; an antibiotic (minocycline) and an old anti-malaria drug (hydroxychloriquine). They didn’t seem to do much except make me more susceptible to sun. I quit taking them more than a year ago, of course “against doctor’s advice.”

I also spent several hours being interviewed by a homeopathic physician (also an MD) who concocted a couple of crystals for me to ingest. His primary distinction was being the only medical professional that said he could cure me. Whether he did or not, who knows? I tossed the crystals down, added to the mix.

I have long felt that if there were such a thing as a fountain of youth, it was endorphins. I continue to firmly believe that you cannot be very healthy without a serious exercise routine, something that should take about an hour of your day, every day, and cause sweat.

With the RA diagnosis, I became a very disciplined walker, eventually evolving into a speed walker through hills, progressively adding weight to my daypack to make it harder. But like other features of my therapeutic approach, this was an augmentation of a preexisting practice, not some new feature of my lifestyle. I had been a runner and tennis player for decades.

My approach was anything but scientific. It has worked so far, but it’s impossible to know what factor was crucial or even important or that it was even anything I did at all. Perhaps I was predestined to get better regardless. But now that I have returned to an enviable state of wellness, even fitness, for someone 67, the question naturally arises: what happened? What, if anything, did I do to help cause remission? There is no way to answer that question with precision.

One factor, however, is very clear to me, and all my most trusted medical consultants agree. For me to have ever recovered not only my health, but also the ability to walk, even run, and the normal use my hands, it was essential that I rejected standard medical opinion and resisted the pharmaceutical path. That path leads to long term prescription drug dependency and a rotting liver, not back to true health.

I have come to see my wellness as exemplary of a conceptual failure of America’s allopathic medical practice. My body healing itself was simply not on their radar, because they don’t make money from healthy people who are independent of pharmaceuticals.

Doctors have no special training in the benign and natural means to promote the body’s capacity to heal itself. The intellectual monopoly of the pharmaceutical model blocks out such approaches. Conventional American medicine pays minimal attention to either prevention or enhancing natural recuperation. They’re not profitable. The focus of our medical system is instead on devising salable products that replace natural recuperative mechanisms with artificial ones, producing and distributing such products so that health care becomes a commodity and doctors are transformed into entrepreneurs.

It is an inherent and inescapable feature of the capitalist health care model that it profits from illness. The average U.S. doctor makes nearly a quarter million a year, most specialists a half a million and surgeons more. Scant few don’t become millionaires. On average, they’re the best-paid national professional group in the world. Yet, the U.S. wallows at 37th (behind Oman, Portugal, Morocco, Columbia, and Costa Rica) in the World Health Organization’s ranking of the quality of national health care systems, 74th according to the UN, and 49th in life expectancy.

Compared to the other G8 nations, the U.S. has the highest infant mortality, the most mothers who die during childbirth, the most lives lost that could have been saved, and the worst in treatment of cancer. In the American system, there are no poor doctors, but lots of sick people, bankrupt patients and 59 million miscreants without “coverage.”

Like their plan for innumerable others, my doctors wanted me to take caustic chemicals for the rest of my life while pouring my meager savings into their bank accounts for my perpetual “treatment,” a steady income source for them throughout my remaining years of worsening disability.

In the capitalist oriented American health care system, private doctors have a clear vested economic interest in patients not getting well. My chronic is their meal ticket. My wellness hurts their bottom line. How could I be so naïve as to expect them to cure me when my sickness is so much more lucrative?

The standard Western doctor operates almost exclusively on a very narrow procedural model. They order expensive diagnostic tests done by other specialists in order to determine which prescribed drug to give you. In most cases, that’s all. To a great degree, they are agents of the pharmaceutical industry in charge of customer service. Patients wait patiently to see doctors. Big Pharma reps walk right in.

It is nearly axiomatic that whenever you go to the doctor’s office, you leave with a prescription. Otherwise, most patients feel cheated. If you’re a favored patient, you’ll get some of the doctor’s stash of free samples the pharmaceutical reps have graciously left. Whatever your germ, doctors have exclusive access to the appropriate specialized germ killers. These medications, however, have high toxic potential or they wouldn’t have to be “prescribed.”

The cornerstone of American doctor’s wealth is their monopoly on the right to prescribe drugs to which the government has restricted access. If your condition further deteriorates, they “operate,” i.e., cut you open and remove or install things, a service that costs many thousands, requires the expenditure of many thousands more in ancillary products and is dangerous because the fourth leading cause of death in the U.S. is going to the hospital.

If you asked most U.S. doctors what s/he could do to improve your health besides pills, shots, and surgery, they’d be out of their element. Especially don’t ask about nutrition or exercise routines and expect an expert opinion.

Their deficiencies, spawned by the system’s economic organization, might be more tolerable if doctors didn’t so often act like they had been anointed by God with special powers to save your life provided you have a deferential attitude and the right insurance. Many an idealistic youth who set out to serve mankind by being a doctor, became seduced by the Big-Pharma orthodoxy of the training institutions. And after pre-med, med school, internships, residencies, and the related costs, developed a sense of material entitlement not matched by equally educated PhD’s.

There are, of course, legions of doctors operating in the capitalist medical system who have maintained at least some of the most humanist motives for practicing medicine. There are, without doubt, saints among them. I’m especially partial to general practitioners, pediatricians, trauma specialists, and women doctors. Many surgeons have great technical skill. Morally unimpeachable motives and competency, however, are largely irrelevant to the operating economic principals of the system.

The American medical model is systematically corrupted by its capitalist character, resulting in serious conceptual limitations. These corruptions derive from health care being a commodity instead of a right and from illness being a source of profit. A principal conceptual limitation is their failure to focus on methods to enhance the body’s natural recuperative potential, favoring instead doctor controlled pharmaceutical dependency.

The most effective and economical approaches to health care for most people involve prevention, health maintenance and recuperation. For this, important societal inputs would be nutrition education, subsides for genuinely healthy foods and lifestyles, community fitness programs, low job stress, social security, sufficient time off to pursue personally rewarding activities, and universal public health care so that people don’t neglect seeing a doctor for fear of the costs associated with getting medical care.

The problem is that in the unfettered market system, none of these components of optimal health care offer the pharmaceutical, hospital and health insurance industries opportunities for profit even close to equaling those offered by the existing model.

[David P. Hamilton has been a political activist in Austin since the late 1960s when he worked with SDS and wrote for The Rag, Austin’s underground newspaper.]

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